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DENISOV A.S. “Government as a Platform” in the Context of Public Administration Reform

DOI 10.35775/PSI.2020.34.4.005

А.S. DENISOV Post-graduate student at the Chair of political science and political administration, School of political research, Institute of Social Sciences, Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration, Moscow, Russia

“GOVERNMENT AS A PLATFORM” IN THE CONTEXT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REFORM

The article is devoted to the modern concept of "government as a platform,” it reveals its essence, principles, conditions of implementation and advantages. The emergence of the concept is associated with the process of digital transformation going on in the leading countries of the world. The author concludes that in the course of its implementation a state platform comes into existence on which the public sector cooperates with partners from the private sector and citizens. The author demonstrates that the prospects for cooperation are expanded, the provision of public services becomes more efficient, safe and fast and an effective mechanism for decision-making and public administration is created.

Key words: digitalization, the government as a platform, end-to-end technologies, public administration, public services.

Relevance. Currently, digital technologies such as big data, artificial intelligence, the Internet of things, etc., have a huge impact on society, the state and its decisions. The process of digital transformation and new technologies completely transform entire industries based on centuries-old traditions, digital transformation is mainly used in the business context, but it has a great impact on the government structures and non-governmental organizations involved in the resolution of social problems through the use of one or more of the existing and emerging end-to-end technologies.

Purpose of the study is to determine the essence, principles and conditions for the implementation and advantages of the concept of “the government as a platform.”

Theory and methodology. The research uses analytical method, system and network approaches, statistical methods, including observation, monitoring and rating. The work is based on the theory and methodology of modern public administration based on the principles of digitalization, as well as conceptual approaches to the problems of application of new technologies in the processes of cross-cutting interdepartmental digitalization, and also on the conceptual approaches concerning application of new technologies in the processes of cross-cutting interdepartmental digitalization and creation of complex organizational and technological infrastructure both for the provision of public services, and for ensuring reformation of the system of public administration. The concept of “the government as a platform” is created on the basis of this infrastructure.

At present, “digital transformation” refers to “the profound transformation of business and organizational activities, processes, competencies and models in order to make the fullest use of the whole range of digital technologies and their accelerating impact on the society in a strategic and priority manner, taking into account current and future changes” [3]. As a part of the Russian National Technology Initiative (NTI), end-to-end technologies are defined as “key scientific and technical areas that have the most significant impact on the development of markets” [7]. In fact, end-to-end technologies are those that simultaneously cover several trends or industries.

Digital transformation (digitalization) has already affected a number of significant areas of society, such as mass communication, transport, trade, housing and many others. The state is more conservative on this issue, it is significantly behind in adopting new digital practices, which creates serious risks, since the government agencies are often forced to regulate industries moving to new digital horizons at a speed that the state is not capable of. The role of the government as a regulator, as a reliable source of power in many respects has already been violated and digitalization only exacerbates this problem (as, for example, demonstrates the emergence of crypto-currencies). In this new reality, citizens have the right to expect faster interaction with the state institutions, because they already receive a rapid response in a number of essential moments of their lives. At the same time, the mechanism of public policy development is not digital and does not reflect the emerging new values demanded by an increasing number of “digital citizens.” If policy development does not reflect the new digital realities, it is safe to say that public services in their current form are outdated. End-to-end technologies affect different aspects of life, so regardless of the level of government – Federal, regional or municipal – digitalization has an impact on the expectations of citizens and businesses in obtaining public services. However, most executive authorities (in the absence of competition) have not yet developed a digital approach to the development of services; the executive branch thinking evolves slowly.

At the same time, there is a growing fundamental digital gap between the levels of government and the non-government sectors, typical for all countries of the world. Digitalization affects various aspects of citizens' lives, it has also affected expectations of citizens and organizations working with public services. However, for the state, such transition to the “digitalization” goes much slower and with more difficulties, especially when it concerns heads of state bodies, who do not understand, either at the political or operational levels, what this digitalization is about. This is a serious problem, because, as noted by the famous scientist K. Schwab, “ultimately, it is the ability of the states to adapt that will determine their survival” [11. P. 69]. While the digital revolution is creating exponential growth around us, what is interesting and troubling about this transformation is the relative absence of the state in this phenomenon. It makes the conservative position of the state in respect of digital modifications both dangerous and short-sighted [2. P. 169].

Currently, the state provides many important services in different spheres of life, but presenting them in a way based on a digital platform can make them more efficient and accessible. There is an opportunity for the digital services to be provided on a common resource (platform) not only by the state, but also by the private sector and entrepreneurs in order to reduce the burden on the state, reduce the cost of its activities and increase its efficiency. Tim O'Reilly, founder of the Web 2.0 concept, called this approach “the government as a platform” [4].

The state structures of our days still have a long tradition of analog (linear) thinking and culture of administrative and command management, which prevents them from fully realizing their potential in the digital world. Historically, the state had to use linear (sequential) process-oriented approaches to program development and performance of its functions, when the concept of mobility and data interconnectedness did not yet exist. However, in today's digital reality, the state cannot afford to be linear; it must increasingly adopt an exponential approach in its work, even if this is not understood or accepted by traditional government command and control systems. It is this state of Affairs that has led to the emergence of the concept of "the state as a platform", which in practice means not only a change in the model of the functioning of the state, but also a sharp increase in real-time data available to the public. “Today, data can be considered a new currency, and governments have more of it than any other sector By opening them up to the general public, the government agencies can interact more freely and organically with stakeholders and citizens, pulling government employees out of linear analog thinking and significantly increasing real-time collaboration, which creates innovations, leads to greater outcomes and further growth” [2. P. 171].

According to the authoritative researcher Yu.V. Irkhin, “the project “government as a platform” is an innovative, fundamentally new technological and cognitive quality of public administration. The system of indicators will instantly get a feedback from control objects, just to work with key development indicators, to record levels of personal responsibility in the process of making and implementing management decisions, to adapt the interaction modes” [5. P. 1860].

In order to implement the concept of “the government as a platform,” it is necessary to create a suitable environment for public sector employees so that they can successfully cooperate with the non-government sector, which directly challenges the traditional hierarchical approach in the activities of the state. The concept also suggests that the services should be mutually beneficial for both state and non-state actors, which can be the basis for creating an ecosystem. However, the realization of this opportunity requires not only large-scale changes in the culture of civil servants, but also a rethinking of the role of the state in the era of digital transformation.

Such platform approach creates a number of advantages:

• an organization can use its employees more effectively to do more and more meaningful work without having to increase workload; in this case, a platform approach can help develop entire industries;

• government organizations can promote transparency and democratic participation in the government programs and services;

• to some extent, we can talk about a revision of the necessary and possible in the public administration in general.

It is obvious that civil servants will never become specialists in the field of end-to-end technologies, but the creation of a platform where content is available in real time, and government experts work with specialists from other sectors, will ensure their fruitful cooperation, synergy and higher contribution of specialists from different levels and profiles [9. P. 133].

In Russia, there is also an interest in the implementation of the process of digital transformation and the implementation of the concept of "the government as a platform". Work on the concept is conducted by the center for strategic development (CSR). According to the Vice-President of the CSR M. Shklyaruk “modern technologies allow in the near future to create an environment of high-tech digital platform of public administration, which will minimize the human factor and its attendant corruption and errors, automate the collection of statistical, tax and other reporting, will ensure decision-making based on the analysis of the real situation” [12]. The administrative staff must also undergo significant changes, that is start working in the logic of consumer orientation and become oriented to the interests of those who use the final results of the functioning of the state system.

However, the concept of the “the government as a platform” is important not only in the technological aspect. This is a kind of a model of the future state, in which the number of staff is minimal, the decisions are made promptly without intermediaries such as state structures, where it will be possible to build individual trajectories for the development and solution of life situations [3. P. 3].

Goals are more important than functions: changing the ideology of problem-setting

It should be emphasized that the main goal of the implementation of the concept of “the government as a platform” is the well-being of citizens and promotion of economic growth based on the introduction of technology. Implementation of the concept will entail a number of fundamental changes. In particular, the model of state participation will not just remain a service, it will embody a proactive (automatic, without filing an application) offer of digital services that meet the needs of both citizens and businesses. The state should not only create an ecosystem of interaction, but also coordinate the interaction of all participants in the process. Special requirements within the framework of this concept are imposed on the public service, which must adapt to the digital reality, learn to work in it, acquire digital skills. Artificial intelligence systems and predictive (predictive, predictive) Analytics, which are able to take over the execution of routine operations, should become an assistant for civil servants.

According to CSR experts, Russia's technological lag behind the advanced countries is not least due to the imperfection and uncompetitiveness of the public administration system, which is not able to quickly respond to the challenges of the digital transformation. “In order to ensure Russia's competitiveness in the long term, a new system of public administration should be created, which will become the technological, regulatory and cultural basis for future development. The role of such a basis can be played by the “government as a platform,” a qualitatively new system of organization and performance of functions of public authorities of the Russian Federation, built on the basis of integrated and digitalized processes and advanced technologies” [10].

The transition to the platform state can be realized only through the implementation of digital transformation, which will create an ecosystem of the state on the basis of new principles and technologies that give qualitatively new opportunities to public administration.

Thus, the “government as a platform” is a modern model of public administration, which belongs in Russia to the category of the future, but is intensively discussed today. It is expected that by 2024 it will be partially implemented: 50 of the most popular public services will be provided instantly ("zero seconds-zero officials"), the data of all state information resources will be available in real time through software interfaces [6].

This concept, which Russia is just beginning to implement, has been implemented by the leading countries of the world for many years. Global consulting company ACCENTURE calculated the Index of readiness of different states to implement the concept of “the government as a platform” and presented 10 countries-leaders of the rating (see table 1). Among them, in addition to Singapore, the leader of the rating, we see mainly highly developed countries of Europe, the United States, Japan and two Arab states; for obvious reasons Russia is not included in this rating. In the above study, the company stressed factors that play a crucial role in the implementation of the concept “the government as a platform,” it is primarily the creation of the foundation, which allows governmental and non-governmental organizations to provide public services of new generation; the formation of thinking of change and innovation; economic growth and innovation for the provision of public services [1].

Table 1

Index of readiness of the states to implement the concept “the government as a platform” [8]

Conclusions. The analysis of the concept of “the government as a platform” allows us to draw the following conclusions.

First, data is now becoming the new currency, the foundation of the public-private partnerships in service delivery, economic and social development and innovation. Instead of storing this currency, the government should do everything possible to make its citizens use it.

Secondly, the state must learn to deliver services through ecosystems not in a linear, traditional way, but in an exponential (fast-growing) way. It should create a platform for interaction that can lead to significant economic growth.

Third, the digital transformation of an organization can be carried out without additional funding and even with the reinvestment of existing resources, this is a business model that should replace the existing one. This is the essence of digital transformations in the state, and not in the digitization of its information.

Finally, cultural change is the most important factor in the process of digital transformation and adaptation of digital public practices.

In this way, "the government as a platform" is more than a methodology, it is a holistic concept in which the public sector cooperates with private sector partners and citizens, with its help the prospects for the application of advanced technologies from predictive analytics to the artificial intelligence and virtual reality are expanding, and the provision of public services becomes more efficient, efficient and secure.

REFERENCES:

1. Accenture. Government as a Platfom. Research Report // https://www.accenture.com/us-en/insights/public-service/government-as-a-platform.

2. Benay A. Government Digital: The Quest to Regain Public Trust. Canada: Dundurn Press, 2018.

3. Digital transformation: online guide to digital business transformation i-SCOOP // https://www.i-scoop.eu/digital-transformation/.

4. Government as a Platform. GaaP Readiness Index 2018 // https://www.accenture.com/_acnmedia/PDF-83/Accenture-GaaP-2018-Readiness-Index.pdf#zoom=50.

5. Irkhin Yu.V. Advantages and problems of modern public administration on the principles of digital platform: methodology, theory, experience of Russia [Preimushchestva i problemy sovremennogo gosudarstvennogo upravleniya na printsipakh tsifrovoy platformy: metodologiya, teoriya, opyt Rossii] // Political Science Issues. 2019. V. 9. No. 9 (49) (In Russ.).

6. Matveeva Т. “Government as a Platfom” is the response to the contemporary challenges of public administration. Scientific Russia. 17.01.2018 [«Gosudarstvo kak platforma» – otvet na sovremennyye vyvozy gosudarstvennogo upravleniya. Nauchnaya Rossiya. 17.01.2018] // https://scientificrussia.ru/articles/gajdarovskij-forum-2018 (In Russ.).

7. National technological initiative [Natsional'naya tekhnologicheskaya initsiativa]. Official site // http://www.nti2035.ru/technology/ (In Russ.).

8. O’Reilly // http://chimera.labs.oreilly.com/books/1234000000774/ch02.html.

9. Pavlutenkova М.Yu. E-government vs digital government in the context of digital transformation [Elektronnoye pravitel'stvo vs tsifrovoye pravitel'stvo v kontekste tsifrovoy transformatsii] // Public Opinion Monitoring: economic and social change. 2019. No. 5 // https://doi.org/10.14515/monitoring.2019.5.07 (In Russ.).

10. Petrov М., Burov V., Shklyuruk М., Sharov А. Government as a Platfom. (Cyber) state for the digital economy. Digital transformation. Report of the Center for strategic development [Gosudarstvo kak platforma. (Kiber)gosudarstvo dlya tsifrovoy ekonomiki. Tsifrovaya transformatsiya. Doklad Tsentra strategicheskikh razrabotok]. Moscow. April 2018 (In Russ.).

11. Schwab Klaus. The Fourth Industrial Revolution. New York: Grove, 2016.

12. Shklyuruk М. Government as a Platfom 2017-2035. Tuning to the foresight session [«Gosudarstvo kak platforma» 2017-2035. Ustanovka na forsayt sessiyu]. 16.02.2017. Center for strategic development. Moscow // https://docplayer.ru/45759263-Gosudarstvo-kak-platforma.html (In Russ.).

DATUKISHVILI E.Z. Influence of migration flows to the identity of russian people

DOI 10.35775/PSI.2020.34.4.004

E.Z. DATUKISHVILI Post-graduate student of the Chair of political science and political administration, Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (RANKhiGS), Moscow, Russia

INFLUENCE OF MIGRATION FLOWS TO THE IDENTITY OF RUSSIAN PEOPLE

This article is devoted to the analysis of the influence of migration flows on the identity of Russians in modern socio-political conditions of the country's development. Based on the study of a wide range of theoretical material and analysis of sociological studies, the author of the article comes to the conclusion about a significantly negative impact of the immigration factors in the civil and ethno-cultural identity of Russians. The article also formulates proposals for changes in the migration and national policy of the country to level the above risks.

When analyzing the influence of migration flows on the Russians’ identity it is necessary, first of all, to pay special attention to the fact that a person's identity from the sociological point of view is multilevel in nature and its structure is influenced by a variety of factors relevant to different levels of identity formation.

The impact of migration flows on the identity of Russian citizens is multifaceted and profound, and is manifested to varying degrees in different parts of the country and in the context of different types of identity.

Key words: migration, identity, ethno-cultural identity, transformation of identity, integration of migrants, cultural policy.

In the global era of our time, the vast majority of the world's countries are facing a wide range of challenges of historical scale, which include not only such obvious threats as the threat of terrorism and extremism, the growing drug threat and the need to combat global warming. They also include the challenges that have been actualized in recent years and have attracted the attention of a wide audience in all economically developed countries, from the United States to Russia. Such challenges undoubtedly include the problems caused by the intensification of global migration flows, which form threats to the socio-economic stability of the recipient countries.

It should be emphasized that the works of Russian authors published in recent years covers a wide range of issues in this subject area [3; 18; 5; 6; 16. Pp. 157-172].

The intensification of migration flows, linked not only to traditional migration factors such as the escalation of military conflicts in particular regions of the world, the persecution of people on the basis of their national or religious origin, but also dictated by the desire of millions of people to improve their life, radically transforms the political reality of these countries. It directly affects not only the growth of competitiveness in the labor market, but also has an impact on changing the identity of the population of Europe, the United States and Russia. Due to this factor, the relevance of the problem of the influence of migration flows on the identity of Russians, which is now the focus of this article, does not cause any doubt [11. P. 42].

In a number of their works devoted to the analysis of the civil identity of the population of Russia, major Russian sociologists such as E. S. Kukva and A. Yu. Shadzhe came to the conclusion that it is necessary to separate such important levels of civil identity of the population of Russia, as ethnic, regional, national, geopolitical and civilizational level. At the same time, the development of the identity of Russian citizens is based on the transformation of their ethno-cultural identity as the most stable element of the identity structure, which represents the semantic basis of human life [13. P. 131].

At the same time, at the present stage of the country's development, migration flows have a significant impact on all levels of identity of Russian citizens. This trend is formed not so much by the fact of migration of citizens of the post-Soviet countries to the territory of Russia in search of work. The main reason for this process is the increase in the volume of migration flow in absolute terms and the decrease in the cultural level of the average migrant and the unwillingness of migrants to accept the specifics of Russian culture and integrate into the national economy.

To a large extent, the above trends are due to the fact that the vast majority of migrants staying in Russia are from Central Asian republics such as Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, where the influence of Russian culture was largely weakened after the collapse of the Soviet Union. According to the Russian migration service, for the period from January to August 2019, 12 984 565 people legally entered the territory of Russia and were put on the migration register, while during the same period of 2018, this figure was 11 960 763 people. Moreover, more than half of this migration flow is accounted for by citizens of Central Asian countries, where the level of proficiency of the Russian language leaves much to be desired [10].

All these processes lead to an increase in the negative attitude towards immigrants in Russian society and cause an increase in social instability in some regions of the Russian Federation. They also create fears about the prospects of forming in the country a favorable soil for the interethnic peace and constructive relations between the citizens, as well as the basis for the development of xenophobic sentiments, on the one hand, and social alienation and deprivation of immigrants, on the other hand. All of it is reflected in the transformation of the political identity of Russians and the change of their assessment of many factors of public life [4].

In modern sociological science it is considered that human identity, including civil identity, is characterized by its multilevel nature. In particular, if the influence of migration flows on the development of the political identity of the population of Russia, as they perceive themselves as citizens of a single country is difficult to trace, this influence of the same factor on the identity of residents of Russian regions, as well as residents of small or medium-sized cities, as a more compact cultural space is much more obvious [2. P. 167].

The identity of the population of Russian small or medium-sized cities is a special form of identity of Russians. It is formed on the basis of the summation of the population of these cities of their country, regional and settlement identity. At the same time, for the vast majority of Russian citizens, their correlation with their small homeland, with their locality, as well as with their region, is of particular importance. Due to certain factors, the intensification of migration flows in Russia has a direct impact on the level of formation of their country identity. These migration flows, supplemented by internal migration flows of residents of Russia itself, form the basis for changing the identity of Russians at the regional level, actively contributing to the erosion in these regions of the existing ethno-cultural norms [11. P. 76].

Often, migration causes both in large cities and in smaller settlements an increase in conflict and violence not only between the local population and migrants, but also between migrants of different origins. Example of this is the incident that occurred on 18 August 2005 in the village of Yandyki, Astrakhan region, when as a result of a clash between Kalmyks and Chechens, caused by the murder in a mass brawl of a Kalmyk boy, twelve Chechens and one Kalmyk were sentenced to imprisonment for up to seven years.

In mid-June 2006 in the city of Salsk, Rostov region, there was a similar precedent, when as a result of a quarrel between local residents and immigrants from Dagestan, one resident of the city was shot. The most striking example of the growing tension in respect of the citizens and strengthening of nationalism and intolerance, caused by the increase in migratory flows, are the events of December 2010 in Moscow Manege square, where thirty-five people suffered and sixty people were arrested [8].

The influence of migration flows on the identity of Russians can be traced in the most obvious way on the example of large Russian cities, including not only Moscow and St. Petersburg, but also Samara, Krasnodar, Novosibirsk and Yekaterinburg. Data from the Russian Migration Service show that the flow of migrants into the country has increased by forty percent since 2009. Such cities and regions as Moscow, Moscow region, St. Petersburg and Leningrad region, Novosibirsk and Yekaterinburg became the centers of attraction for migrants. At the same time, an increase in migration flows has a huge impact on the identity of the population of Yekaterinburg, where more than one and a half million people are officially registered.

Yekaterinburg as a regional center attracts more than half of the migrants arriving to the Sverdlovsk region, this situation has changed the ethnic composition of both the city of Yekaterinburg and the Sverdlovsk region. Official data show that between 1989 and 2010, the number of citizens in the region of the East Asian origin increased fourfold. The number of citizens in the region of the Central Asian and Transcaucasia origin has doubled. The number of citizens of Slavic and Finno-Ugric origin has decreased [17. Pp. 35-59].

The natural result of these trends was the growth of tension in interethnic relations in the region, an example of which was the events of July 2011, which took place in the village of Sagra, forty kilometers from Yekaterinburg. These events developed according to the traditional scenario of interethnic clashes, which has become more frequent in recent years. It all started with a shootout in the village between local residents and an armed group of natives of the Caucasus, who came to the village to help a Gypsy family in its conflict with local residents. As a result of the collision, a native of Azerbaijan was fatally wounded. The Sagrin man who has shot him received the victim status, while twenty-three visitors were charged with banditry, participation in riots and threats to kill [8].

Similar trends are also typical for Moscow as the most attractive center for the migrants. At the present stage of its development, the presence of a large number of diverse cultures is both a certain advantage of the Russian capital and its complex problem. This migration factor gives Moscow additional economic dynamism, forms its image as a major metropolis of the world scale and contributes to the dialogue between peoples. It is the multiculturalism of the Russian capital that makes it the real capital of Russia as a multinational and multi confessional state [12. P. 18].

On the other hand, the presence of a large number of diverse cultures within the boundaries of the Moscow metropolis increases social tensions in the city and extrapolates various ethnic conflicts into the life of the city, changing the identity of Muscovites. Post-Soviet megacities, which include the Russian capital, have a similar character. However, Moscow in many respects differs from other cities of the country. Above all, this difference is expressed in the large scale and a wider degree of mass character of the Moscow agenda, which is political economic and financial center of the country. This fact is reflected at the level of interethnic relations.

At the moment, changes in the identity of Muscovites under the influence of migration flows can be traced by sociological surveys. Thus, in the Russian capital there is a gap between the more patient attitude towards migrants, typical for the older generation, brought up in the traditions of the Soviet internationalism, and a higher degree of nationalism, which distinguishes the new generation. Moreover, the effect of generational change strengthens the position of nationalism, as evidenced by the social surveys conducted in Moscow.

First of all, majority of Moscow residents in recent years associated representatives of other nationalities, especially from the Caucasus and Central Asia, with visitors and migrants. This determines the psychological attitude of the relationship Russian-non-Russian. Almost a third of Moscow residents surveyed in 2010 have contacts with migrants at the household level. The majority of residents of megacities are ready to accept a migrant as a colleague (40 percent), as a neighbor (34 percent), even as a citizen of Russia (31 percent). However, only 9 percent of respondents are ready to accept a representative of another nationality as a business partner, a spouse – 8 percent, or a boss – 2 percent. The expert survey gives an idea of the localization of conflicts on the ethnic basis. Most conflicts are recorded in the streets, transport, markets (about 80%), in businesses (44%), between neighbors (31%). Least number of conflicts is noted in educational institutions in spite of the fact that negative attitudes develop actively in the youth environment [9. P. 76].

Strengthening of the importance of religion and nationality in the self-consciousness of Russian citizens can also be considered an important consequence of the growth of migration flows to Russia. If in 1991, a little more than 30 percent of the population of Russia called themselves believers, in 2012, according to surveys conducted by the Levada Center, more than 75 percent of the population of Russia consider themselves religious and only one in 20 citizens of the Russian Federation is an atheist [14].

The factor of religion allows preserving the ethno-cultural basis against the formation of a multicultural society in the country. It is particularly important that interest in religion is increasing not only among Muslim youth, brought up in a strictly conservative spirit, but also among Russians as the main ethnic group of the country, forming the basis of the Russian statehood. The Russian Orthodox Church as the largest religious institution in Russia plays a leading role in this movement. In particular, the Synodal Department of the Russian Orthodox Church develops contacts with representatives of the Russian state authorities, with various Russian political, social and cultural organizations, and coordinates its public agenda with state authorities. However, within the framework of this activity, the Russian Orthodox Church adheres to the principle of non-interference of Church and state in each other's internal affairs [1. P. 58].

The Russian Orthodox Church, which was one of the organizations that suffered most during the Soviet time, is being actively restored in modern Russia both as a religious organization and as a public institution. Russian Orthodoxy is strengthening its position largely due to the religious Renaissance in our country that took place in recent decades and is also related to the need of the Russian people to preserve their cultural basis in a changing world.

Another important consequence of the growth of migration flows in Russia, including the growth of internal migration of the population of the North Caucasus regions to the large Russian cities, is the complication of the attitude of Russian citizens to the problem of interfaith relations, controversial in their nature. In particular, on the one hand, an important feature of the development of religious relations in modern Russia is the benevolent attitude of representatives of different religious movements to each other. For example, according to the surveys of the same Levada-Center, 92 percent of respondents have respect for the Orthodox Christians, which means that positive attitudes to them are shared not only by the Orthodox Christians themselves, but also by representatives of other religions.

The attitude of the country's Muslim towards Russian civil identity is also positive. Over the past decade, Russian Muslims have become an important organic part of the Russian society, and their level of tolerance towards other religions has increased significantly.

According to the results of sociological studies published in January 2018, it was Russian Muslims who were the most tolerant part of the Russian society. For example, 72 percent of Muslims reported “a very positive” or “somewhat positive” attitude toward Christians. However, the results of a similar survey revealed that among the Orthodox Christians symmetrical positive attitude towards Muslims is lower by 20 percent. This fact indicates the continuing prejudice against Islam in modern Russian society, which can also be associated with the negative attitude of Russian citizens to the migrants who are predominantly Muslim by origin [15].

Thus, summing up the results of our work devoted to the analysis of the impact of migration flows on the identity of Russians, we can conclude that these trends to a certain extent undermine the unity of the Russian people as a single cultural and political space. This fact actualizes the need to make changes in the migration policy of Russia, as well as in the policy aimed at the integration of migrants into the Russian cultural space [4].

At the present stage of its development, the Russian state proceeds from the fact that the country needs an influx of foreign labor in certain segments of the Russian economy, but at the same time, considers the task of controlling migration flows and combating illegal migration to be fundamentally important. This task is considered strategic in Russia, as uncontrolled migration undermines both economic security of the country and its socio-political stability. To neutralize the negative impact of migration flows on the identity of Russians, it is necessary to raise the level of transparency of the migration flows as a part of the work carried out within the Eurasian integration and also raise requirements for migrants. It is also necessary to increase the number of centers for checking the migrants’ Russian language proficiency and their knowledge of Russian legislation.

As a part of measures aimed at the adaptation of migrants, Russia should raise the level of requirements for the migrants’ Russian language proficiency and their knowledge of the basics of the Russian legislation, without the knowledge of which migrants shall not be granted the right to work in our country. Russia must also fight illegal migration and unfair treatment of illegal migrants by unscrupulous employers. Finally, Russia must control the fight against extremism within the migrants’ communities.

At the same time, an important area of work aimed at neutralizing the negative impact of migration flows on the Russian identity should be strengthening of the unity of the Russian nation and maintenance of the country’s ethnic and cultural diversity. The aim of such policy should be, on the one hand, preservation of the socio-political stability of the state on the basis of respect for the local national cultures, and on the other hand, strengthening of the all-Russian civil unity and maintenance of the country’s territorial integrity. These two tasks at the present stage of the country's development are implemented within the framework of the adopted Federal targeted program on Strengthening the unity of the Russian nation and ethnic and cultural development of the peoples of Russia in 2014-2020 [7].

Within the framework of this Program, the national policy in Russia is implemented in two areas. On the one hand, it aims at combating the manifestations of nationalism, xenophobia, religious fundamentalism and separatism in the regions with the predominantly non-Russian population, and also at strengthening all-Russian civic identity, based on the support of the Russian language and Russian cultural policy, promotion of ethnic and cultural development of the Russian people. On the other hand, the program emphasizes that it is not aimed at leveling ethnic or cultural diversity in the Russian Federation. The Program emphasizes that the ethnic and cultural diversity of Russia is considered its competitive advantage, it forms an integral part of the world spiritual heritage and a necessary element of its international image, the Russian Federation also has a number of international obligations with respect to the rights of indigenous minorities and national minorities and countering extremism and terrorism.

With the effective implementation of such measures, the Russian Federation will be able to use the positive potential of intensification of migration flows, while maintaining the socio-political stability of the Russian society.

REFERENCES:

1. Averintsev S.S. Theology // The New philosophical encyclopedia: in 4 volumes / Institute of Philosophy of the Russian Academy of science; NAT. societies' [Teologiya // Novaya filosofskaya entsiklopediya: v 4-kh t. / In-t filosofii RAN; Nats. obshchestv]. M.: Mysl, 2010 (In Russ.).

2. Baryshnikova I.V. The concept of identity in sociological discourse [Ponyatiye identichnosti v sotsiologicheskom diskurse] // Bulletin of Volgograd State University. 2016. No. 2 (In Russ.).

3. Buyanov V.S. Features of the Russian mentality and its ability to adapt to modern conditions [Osobennosti russkogo mentaliteta i yego sposobnost' adaptirovat'sya k sovremennym usloviyam] // Eurasian Union: international relations. 2018. No. 3 (In Russ.).

4. Contemporary Russian identity: measurements, challenges, answers [Sovremennaya rossiyskaya identichnost': izmereniya, vyzovy, otvety] // VTsIOM // https://wciom.ru/fileadmin/file/reports_conferences/2014/2014-02-19-ros_identichnost.pdf (In Russ.).

5. Datukishvili Е.Z. National and civil identity in Russia: problems of conjunction [Natsional'naya i grazhdanskaya identichnost' v Rossii: problemy sopryazheniya] // Issues of National and Federative Relations. 2019. V. 9. No. 10 (55) (In Russ.).

6. Drobizheva L.М. Russian civil identity in scientific and political discussions and public opinion [Rossiyskaya grazhdanskaya identichnost' v nauchno-politicheskikh diskussiyakh i obshchestvennom mnenii] // Issues of National and Federative Relations. 2018. V. 8. No. 4 (In Russ.).

7. Electronic Fund of legal documentation [«Elektronnyy fond pravovoy dokumentatsii»] // http://docs.cntd.ru/document/499040473 (In Russ.).

8. Famous ethnic conflicts in Russia [Gromkiye mezhnatsional'nyye konflikty v Rossii] // Kommersant // https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/2939714 (In Russ.).

9. Gadjiev К.S. The concept of civil society: ideological origins and milestones [Kontseptsiya grazhdanskogo obshchestva: ideynyye istoki i osnovnyye vekhi formirovaniya] // Issues of Philisophy. 2010. No. 3 (In Russ.).

10. Key indicators on the migration situation in the Russian Federation for January-August 2019. Official website of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation [Osnovnyye pokazateli po migratsionnoy situatsii v Rossiyskoy Federatsii za yanvar'-avgust 2019 goda. Ofitsial'nyy sayt «Ministerstvo vnutrennikh del RF»] // https://xn--b1aew.xn--p1ai/Deljatelnost/statistics/migracionnaya/item/18329606/ (In Russ.).

11. Коkhichko А.N. On the principles of attitude to the world as the basis of basic national values [O printsipakh otnosheniya k miru kak osnove bazovykh natsional'nykh tsennostey] // Elementary school plus, Before and After. 2010. No. 1 (In Russ.).

12. Кozhanov I.V. Civil and ethnic identity: the problem of interrelation and interdependence [Grazhdanskaya i etnicheskaya identichnosti: problema vzaimosvyazi i vzaimozavisimosti] // Modern problems of science and education. 2013. No. 3 (In Russ.).

13. Кukva Е.S., Shadzhe А.Yu. The Modernizing North Caucasus: parameters of identity [Moderniziruyushchiysya Severnyy Kavkaz: parametry identichnosti] // Bulletin of MGOU. Series: Philosophical science. 2012. No. 2 (In Russ.).

14. Levada-Center Analytical Center [Analiticheskiy tsentr «Levada-Tsentr»] // https://www.levada.ru/2017/07/18/religioznost/ (In Russ.).

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16. Мedvedev N.P., Nesterchuk О.А., Slizovskiy D.Е. Post-Soviet Commonwealth (CIS). Are there any resources left for a new reintegration? [Postsovetskoye sodruzhestvo (SNG). Ostalis' li resursy dlya novoy reintegratsii?] // Przeglad Strategiczny. 2018. V. 11. (In Russ.).

17. Starostin А.N. Integration potential of the Middle Urals: risks, trends and prospects // Problems of human rights observance in the conditions of mass labor migration: spec. report [Integratsionnyy potentsial Srednego Urala: riski, tendentsii i perspektivy // Problemy soblyudeniya prav cheloveka v usloviyakh massovoy trudovoy migratsii: spets. doklad]. Yekaterinburg, 2013 (In Russ.).

18. Voronina N.А. Social and labour rights of migrants in the context of Eurasian integration [Sotsial'no-trudovyye prava migrantov v kontekste yevraziyskoy integratsii] // Issues of National and Federative Relations. 2019. V. 9. No. 10 (55) (In Russ.).

КARATUEVA E.N. “Eco-Terrorism”: the Essence and Peculiarity

DOI 10.35775/PSI.2020.34.4.003

Е.N. КАRATUEVA Candidate of Sciences (political sciences), Associate Professor at the Chair of management of social and political processes and history, St. Petersburg State Agrarian University, St. Petersburg, Russia

“ECO-TERRORISM”: THE ESSENCE AND PECULIARITY

The article is devoted to the study of the problems associated with the manifestations of environmental terrorism and the factors leading to its occurrence. The article highlights peculiarities of understanding its essence. Radical illegal actions by the “greenies” have led to the fact that among the existing approaches to the definition of "environmental terrorism" there is a terminological problem, which is associated with a different understanding of its interpretation. Modern authors define ecoterrorism as radical actions by the “green” (environmentalists), and as deliberate large-scale pollution of the environment. The article highlights the theoretical foundations of ecoterrorism and ecoanarchism, analyzes the terrorist acts by the “green” radicals, the history and development trends of the Green political parties.

Key words: “garbage culture,” environmental devastation, ecoterrorism, ecoanarchism, enviromentalists, global risks.

In the era of globalization, environmental catastrophes are acquiring a comprehensive nature and cease to be a problem of a single country. There are no more boundaries for the “anti-environmental” agents. Even Thomas Malthus in the XIX century warned about the coming catastrophes that cannot be prevented by any socio-economic reforms. The prevailing feeling among the majority of the population is a sense of necessity to preserve security. Modern society is increasingly becoming a society of global risks, which at every moment expose it to global dangers.

One of such dangers generated by the consumer society is the formation of a "garbage culture". The production of public goods is increasingly becoming the production of garbage, the accumulation of which begins to dominate the processes of creation. Garbage absorbs the ecosystem, forcing it to function according to its rules. The main danger for the ecological system is that the garbage environment is increasingly perceived as the norm. Such a culture can be not only a consequence, but also a source of global socio-cultural catastrophe, becoming more and more passive environmental terrorism, a form of culture of universal risk.

Material, spiritual and socio-cultural garbage are closely related to each other and together have a decisive influence on public consciousness. Culture of the debris as part of the internal culture, "pollutes" the minds of individuals capable of destroying the world, creating an environmental disaster that the majority of the population perceived as the most real threat. Thus, according to the results of a survey conducted by foreign researchers, 73% of respondents do not exclude the possibility of an environmental terrorist act, and 15% are confident that in the near future, environmental disasters in which a person is involved will become inevitable [2. Рp. 112-118].

The specificity of eco-disasters is that disturbed ecosystems turn into accumulators of malicious agents, spreading their influence over vast territories. Such a process occurs so quickly that the public's awareness of the threat lags far behind the real situation in the ecosystem. The effects of global environmental disasters of our time accident at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant, for centuries has changed the ecosystem in the Western USSR and Europe, in public consciousness of Russians perceived as an ordinary state that does not require radical action.

Thus, a survey carried out in 1992, 6 years after the Chernobyl disaster, showed that in the mass consciousness of the population caught in the zone of radiation damage, dominated by traditionalist value orientations (68% of respondents), mixed orientation is represented by more than half the number of respondents (29%). And the ability to use strategies associated with innovative approaches, with democratic transformation, was represented by only three percent of respondents [7]. Thus, even in the conditions of preservation of danger of radioactive contamination, the most part of the population is not capable to radical transformations, and prefers attempts of realization of negative consequences by more traditional ways.

A society of risk presupposes the emergence of certain types of personality: personalities trying to resist disasters, personalities-victims and personalities provoking disasters and using their consequences in their own interest. The former are concerned with transformation strategies, the latter with adaptation issues, and the efforts of the third are aimed at exploiting existing risks.

The latter can be defined as representatives of terrorism of various kinds and distinguish among them "users" and "fighters". "Users" realize risks of real proximity of global catastrophes as they are the most attractive for intimidation of society for the purpose of satisfaction of certain political interests. The environmental threat is the most effective equally for all social strata of society.

The goal of the terrorists, despite the diversity of the instruments used have common features: intimidate through violence or threat of their use, the presence of a certain ideology and its propaganda with the help of terrorist acts, the weaknesses of public authorities. But if we talk about the specifics of environmental terrorism, then in this case, the object of a terrorist attack is important, namely, the environment, which is damaged.

Often "fighters," seeking to confront threats, direct vector struggle on public structures and adopt tactics "ushers," becoming terrorists-anti-statesmen. Subjects of ecoterrorism try to explain their actions by various motives, but most often-the desire to create a more just society. Many leading Russian political scientists see a potential ideological basis for a neo-totalitarian political regime based on the “left-wing” extremism in the environmental ideas. Thus, V.V. Vityuk and S.A. Efirov in their work “Left extremism and the ideal of social justice” argued that “left extremism initially represented an attempt to establish a just social order by the most rapid and radical means. The concept of social justice in left-wing extremism arose from the speculative notion of a “free” and “just” society of equals. This concept was extremely vague and at the same time fanatical-religious in nature, which gave rise to the belief that any means may be used in the name of the Holy liberation” [5].

The first radical environmental protests were generated precisely by social protests in Western Europe and the United States (the events in Paris in 1968, the Woodstock festival, the struggle for women's rights, against the Vietnam war, etc.). Social radicalism inevitably led to environmental radicalism, with the preservation of all the basic tenets of left-wing extremism. Numerous bright protest actions contributed to the formation of environmental consciousness in society. Environmental movements opposed themselves to power structures as the “subjects of anti-ecological activity.” In 1971, "Greenpeace," international political organization, declared itself. In the 80s of the 20th century, environmental protest movements strengthened their political role in society, uniting with the movements of peace fighters, against the arms race, with the youth and women's movement.

The main thing for the fighters for the preservation of nature is the preservation of nature by all means. Moreover, preventing the destruction of nature does not lead to constructive processes, but generates new destruction. The desire to stop violence against nature turns into violence of another kind.

The environmentalists are increasingly using terrorist tools. Radical environmental groups have a fairly significant peculiarity they participate in a kind of terrorist activity and have its features. Intimidation as the main attribute of terrorist activity becomes the main weapon of “green” radicals. Only fundamental changes, in their opinion, are able to resolve the contradictions that have developed between the collapsing nature and society. But it is quite difficult to frighten the whole society with the coming destruction, so the radical wing of the “green” movement is aimed at a specific environmental problem, and not at confronting a global environmental catastrophe. The fighters for the purity of nature mostly attack the objects of transnational corporations, as a symbol of globalization. Thus, we can say that the “green” extremists are pronounced anti-globalists. But the radical movement itself is gaining global proportions, has no borders and nationalities.

Radical groups of environmentalists do not rally and do not wait for the decision of the authorities, but carry out attacks on the research institutions (in order to "release" experimental animals), restaurants or logging companies, as well as on individual citizens (for example, in order to destroy their vehicles or fur coats), hammer nails into trees, release animals from nurseries, creating a real threat to others.

Members of the Animal Liberation Front (ALF), which opposes the use of animals in medical experiments, and the Earth Liberation Front (ELF), which protects the natural environment from destruction and exploitation by violence, are best known for this kind of “illegal activity.”

Numerous environmental groups carried out mass extremist actions in order to protect the environment. In 1972, Luton Ronnie Lee together with Cliff Goodman founded the organization "Mercy Squad", and with their supporting extremists began to pierce the tires and break the windows in the cars of hunters in order to prevent the beginning of the hunt. On November 10, 1973, two activists set fire to the Hoechst building after learning of the construction of a science laboratory there. The loss was estimated at 26,000 pounds. The next arson attack was not long in coming, and in 1974, members of the Squad set fire to several ships preparing for seal hunting. In addition, cars and buildings of biological laboratories were damaged. After another action, Goodman and Lee were arrested, and after the release of the radical activists gathered in a new organization demanding the punishment of those damaging the environment and renamed it “Animal Liberation Front.”

These groups are accused of using tactics of arson, explosions and seizure of offices, in sending envelopes razor blades. ELF's biggest actions were the burning of a ski resort in Vail (1996), the Bureau of land management in Oregon (1997), and an apartment complex in San Diego, California (2003) [4].

Owners of "anti-environmental" tools closed their businesses for fear of further damage. That is, the goal of radical environmentalists, in the end, was not achieved. Animal testing or the sale of hunting weapons has been halted, but the worldview of the subjects carrying environmental hazards has not changed. This problem has led to controversy among environmental movements. So, in July 1974, Hunt Saboteurs Association told the media about its support for the idea of Mercy Squad, but disagreed with its methods.

As a result of radical illegal actions by the green activists, there is a terminological problem among the modern approaches to the definition of “environmental terrorism,” associated with differences in understanding its essence. In the United States and some other countries, environmental terrorism often refers to the activities of radical groups of environmentalists. In this context, the FBI defines environmental terrorism as the use or threat of use of criminal violence against innocent victims or property of citizens by environmentally oriented, interethnic groups for environmental reasons, or aimed at attracting attention. For example, the FBI recognized FOJ as a terrorist organization. And the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) in 2002 identified The Front's actions in the Stop Huntindon Animal Cruelty campaign as terrorist [1].

Many researchers in Russia are increasingly associating the actions of the green radicals with the terrorist acts of organizations deliberately causing harm to the environment. According to V.E. Khvoshchev, environmental terrorism can be defined by the term that has two different meanings. First, ecoterrorism means radical actions by the green activists (environmentalists), groups and individuals fighting for the rights and liberation of animals. Second, ecoterrorism is a deliberate large-scale pollution of the environment [6].

The theoretical basis of the first environmental radical movements was an article, and later a book by Murray Bookchin "The Problem of chemicals in Food" (1952), ten years later his other work "Our synthetic environment" was published. In 1965, the essays "Ecology and revolutionary thought" and "Toward a liberatory technology" were published. Since the state is not capable of coping with the impending global cataclysms, anarchism becomes the ideal society for the thriving of environmental ideas. A society with a dominant class of consumers, generating a "garbage culture" must inevitably be replaced by a classless society and the death of the state, which can not exercise its power in the field of environmental protection.

Murray Bookchin used the term ecoanarchism, which meant a holistic socio-political concept aimed at achieving harmony between society and nature. In contrast to the radical parties, "green" ecoanarchism is a much more comprehensive philosophical movement.

At the heart of the formation of “garbage culture” is the existing structure of society, which, according to ecoanarchists, must be changed radically. Due to the environmental focus of ecoanarchism, it significantly differs from the traditional anarchism. If for the latter the social revolution and the subsequent extinction of the state is an abstract utopia, then for the ecoanarchists the socio-political reconstruction of society becomes the only possibility of saving nature and all mankind.

The ideas of ecological radicalism and anarchism can be found not only in capitalist consumer societies, but also in authoritarian political regimes. In discussing the environmental damage caused by free markets and competition, Murray Bookchin mentions the Stalinist regime and the damage it caused to both the people and the environment [3]. He tried to find a third way, different from both the “harmful” technological expansion of capitalism and the authoritarian system of socialism. It is this third way that would help a democratic Russia to use its natural resources for the common good, to create a moral economy focused on human needs. “The Russian people, as well as all the peoples of the former Soviet Union, must find a truly democratic, cooperative and ecological way to meet their environmental needs, to ensure a life of comfort and reasonable luxury, economic security, without a system of hierarchy and suppression that prevent the achievement of these simple and worthy goals” [3].

The anti-moral economy, characteristic of both the planned economic system and the “wild” capitalism, represents a particular threat to the environment. Excessive collectivism, as well as "super-individualism," are equally detrimental to the development of the individual and to the development of nature. If in the first case the problem of environmental conservation is dissolved in the great “national” idea, in the second case, the conflict between the state and the fighters for the purity of the environment is inevitable.

Radical environmental movements that did not find political support in Western Europe found fertile ground in the former socialist states as soon as the political climate changed there. Ecoanarchism was attractive because its ideology is not aimed at using environmental issues to strengthen political capital. Its specificity lies in the fact that protest actions are carried out jointly with the population, in order to influence the state's political decisions and expand the structures of civil society. Thus, a large environmental movement "Guardians of The Rainbow" carries out positive actions along with the protest. Together with the SOEs program "Localization" "Guardians" participate in the implementation of the project “Kasimov alternative,” the purpose of which is not to oppose the state system, but to develop civil society at the local level, in order to protect both natural human rights and the environment and natural objects.

The first green political parties, which appeared in the 80s of the XX century in the UK, the Netherlands, Germany, Denmark, Luxembourg, France, and Italy turned into an independent political force, and the interaction with the authorities did not alienate the population from them, as the radicals feared in the 70s, but on the contrary, contributed to the greening of political consciousness. Many traditional parties have incorporated environmental requirements into their programs. This fact can be considered a victory for the constructive environmental movement.

Moving away from exclusively protest activities towards the creation of civil initiatives is a modern trend in the development of "green" radicals. The struggle against economic and political globalization, against transnational corporations and international financial institutions (IMF, WTO, EBRD, etc.), supported by the population, is steadily gaining strength. This is especially true for their attitude towards political structures unable to prevent global environmental disasters.

Environmental problems are always the result of social, political and economic changes in society. A profit-oriented society, as well as a society that views the man as an abstraction, can completely destroy existing ecosystems. Therefore, there is a growing need to create a rational ecological society with new forms of social and political life, where the state and environmental movements will have a common goal, to achieve which they will use specific, inherent only to them ways and means.

The peculiarity of the modern era is that sustainable development requires not only economic growth, but also the maintenance of ecological balance. These goals can only be achieved at the global level. And globalization should be carried out taking into account the common interests of both the world community and the interests of all countries and peoples.

REFERENCES:

1. FBI: ecoterrorists are a new threat to America [FBR: ekoterroristy – novaya ugroza Amerike] // Newsru.com. 20.05.2005. (In Russ.).

2. Kuracheva I. V., Garkushev A. Yu., Zaitsev A. I. Ecological terrorism as a method of complicating international relations. Bioterrorism [Ekologicheskiy terrorizm kak metod oslozhneniya mezhdunarodnykh otnosheniy. Bioterrorizm] // Issues of defense equipment. Series 16: Technical means of counter-terrorism. 2015. No. 5-6 (83-84). (In Russ.).

3. Murray Bookchin. Reconstruction of society: on the way to a greener future [Rekonstruktsiya obshchestva: na puti k zelenomu budushchemu]. Nizhny Novgorod: The Third Way, 1996. (In Russ.).

4. Ryzhenkov А.Ya. Environmental terrorism as a global problem of our time [Ekologicheskiĭ terrorizm kak global'naya problema sovremennosti] // Legal paradigm. 2017. Т. 16. No. 2. (In Russ.).

5. Vityuk V.V.,Efirov S.A. “Left extremism and the ideal of social justice” // Social justice and ways of its realization in social policy [Levyy ekstremizm i ideal sotsial'noy spravedlivosti // Sotsial'naya spravedlivost' i puti yeye realizatsii v sotsial'noy politike]. М., 1982. Book 2. (In Russ.).

6. Yamineva Yu.B., Khvoshchev V.Е. The modern world: increasing threats of environmental terrorism [Sovremennyy mir: vozrastaniye ugroz ekologicheskogo terrorizma] // http://www.polit.susu.ac.ru/articles/enviroterrorism.shtml (In Russ.).

7. Yanitskiy О.N. Ecological catastrophes: structural and functional analysis [Ekologicheskiye katastrofy: strukturno-funktsional'nyy analiz] / Institute of sociology of RAS // Official website of is RAS. 2013 // http://www.isras.ru/publ.html?id=2794 (In Russ.).

AFANASYEVA E.V., BITIEVA Z.R. Russia's Foreign Policy During the Presidency of Vladimir Putin

DOI 10.35775/PSI.2020.34.4.002

E.V. AFANASYEVA Candidate of Sciences (history), Associate Professor, Institute of world civilizations, Moscow, Russia

Z.R. BITIEVA Candidate of Sciences(political sciences), Head of the Department of world civilizations and world politics, Institute of world civilizations, Moscow, Russia

RUSSIA'S FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE PRESIDENCY OF VLADIMIR PUTIN

In this article, the authors consider the changes in the political life of Russia, its transformation during the presidency of Vladimir Putin. It was during this period that the Concept of Russia's foreign policy was adopted and significant measures were taken to restore Russia as a strong power. At the same time, the authors provide a comparative analysis of the Concepts of 2000 and 2016, demonstrating the process of transformation of international relations.

Key words: foreign policy, Russia, Putin, President, international relations.

With the election of Vladimir Putin President of the Russian Federation in 2000, the country's foreign policy has undergone major changes that reflect the President’s general policy. First of all, it is necessary to mention the approval of the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation. The main vector in the President's policy, in accordance with this document, is aimed at establishing Russia as an active player on the international arena. “This is necessary to maintain the proper image of the country.” The main goal of the President's foreign policy is to ensure security, influence international processes to create favorable external conditions, form a belt of good neighborliness along the country's borders, and search for compromises with foreign countries [6]. In connection with the changing political situation in the world and the actualization of Russia's foreign policy directions in 2016, the President issued a Decree on the entry into force of a new foreign policy doctrine. Thus, since November 30, 2016, a new Concept has been in effect in Russia. Events that have occurred in the world in recent years, affecting, in particular, Russia, such as the crisis situation in Ukraine after Euromaidan, the introduction of anti-Russian sanctions and counter-sanctions, as well as the activities in the Middle East of the “Islamic state,” banned in the Russian Federation, undoubtedly affected the country's foreign policy. Therefore, significant changes, sometimes even contradictory ones appeared in the new foreign policy doctrine. Special attention deserves for example paragraph 8 of Chapter 2 of the document [4]. The 2013 Concept stated that world politics alongside with military might is influenced by economic, technological, information and legal factors. Point 8 of the new Doctrine tells us that their use for the purpose of realizing geopolitical interests makes it difficult to reach agreement and resolve conflicts peacefully. Significant changes have also occurred in the economic sphere. Great importance is given to the role of open trade relations, the current trend towards collective regulation, which is relevant for the existing trade and monetary and financial systems.

Of course, the Concept of 2016 pays special attention to today international problems, expanding their scope to cyberspace. Paragraph 14 emphasizes that “The growing threat of international terrorism is one of the most dangerous realities in today’s world. " [1]. Russia calls on all countries to unite in the fight against global danger, to unite in an international coalition that will cooperate on the basis of a “solid legal basis.” Russia's desire to resolve the problems in the Middle East is also confirmed in paragraph 93 of the Concept, which refers to the settlement of the Syrian conflict on the basis of the Geneva communiqué of June 30, 2012. The Russian Federation opposes artificial politicization of environmental issues. Significant changes have been made to the Chapter on information support for foreign policy activities, which focuses on the cooperation of the Russian expert community with foreign colleagues in the assessment of world politics and international security. The new Concept also gives preference to regional priorities of the State, much attention is paid to the strengthening of relations with Belarus, and in general, to the cooperation with the EAEU countries. However, with regard to Ukraine, Russia is aimed at strengthening ties between the two States in various areas and is ready to help resolve the internal conflict in Ukraine, in cooperation with international organizations involved in this issue. The position of NATO and EU member States towards Russia is criticized. The policy of these countries contradicts cooperation, which is extremely needed in the current situation, complicated by international threats. However, trade and economic relations with the EU are seen as “important” and mutually beneficial, and the EU is seen as a “major partner” in this area. Russia declares that it does not recognize the activities of the United States that go beyond the framework of international law and considers the American missile defense system as a threat to its national security. In order to achieve the set goals in foreign policy, Vladimir Vladimirovich has made a lot of efforts: he participated in all major summits, including the G-8 summits, where the heads of industrialized countries take part.

After being elected Head of state for a second term, Vladimir Putin also continued to actively develop Russia's foreign policy. In 2004, Putin arrived in China on an official visit, during which an agreement was signed on the transfer of Tarabarov Island and the Great Ussuri Island. Here, we would like to draw your attention to the history and territorial dispute between our country and China. Until 1858, these territories were so to say “neutral territory,” at that time it suited both States [5]. The Treaty of Peking of 1860 finally secured Russia’s ownership of the Ussuri Territory, but the Treaty avoided the question of ownership of the Islands. Thus, Russia and China did not define a clear border on the Amur for various reasons for more than 100 years, from 1860 to 1990. However, the problems began with the death of Joseph Stalin and the rise to power in the USSR of Khrushchev, whose short-sighted policy initiated the border problem with China, defining our geopolitical defeat in the early 1990s, turning the PRC from friendship and cooperation with the USSR to the United States. During the Gorbachev's time, an agreement on the Soviet-Chinese border was signed in 1991, according to which, the border on the Amur should pass along the main channel of the river, that is, many Islands that were previously controlled by the USSR turned out to be Chinese territory. In such a complex geopolitical situation, Vladimir Putin signed border treaties, finally settling the border issue, thereby avoiding territorial disputes, which could in turn lead to a Russian-Chinese war, which could have played right into the hands of the United States [3].

One of the President’s main successes in foreign policy was the salvation of Syria, the fight against terrorism and the elimination of those forces that could come to the North Caucasus with the black banner. In addition, the purpose of such actions on the part of Russia was to maintain the legitimate authorities of this country, preserve its territorial integrity, and provide humanitarian assistance to the population. All this has only strengthened Russia's position in the Middle East and on the international arena [9].

After the end of Putin's second term as president, the country finally departed from the course of the former head of state Boris Yeltsin. Everyone is well aware of Vladimir Putin's Munich speech at a conference on politics and security in 2007, which has many times been quoted by all the world's media.

In his speech, the President focused on the following theses:

1. In international relations, there can be no unipolar model of the world order.

2. The US imposes its policy on the whole world.

3. All issues regarding military intervention should be resolved only in the UN.

4. The United States and the American President are waging aggressive policy.

5. NATO does not comply with international agreements.

6. The OSCE has become a convenient tool used in the interests of the Northern Alliance.

7. Russia will continue to conduct foreign policy only in its own interests [8].

These theses clearly reflect the course of the leader of the Russian Federation in foreign policy, and despite such loud statements by Vladimir Putin, the leaders of many countries have supported him. However, most of the world's politicians saw Putin as an aggressive political figure and did not agree with his speech.

We would like to say a few words about Russia's domestic policy. Here, too, there have been significant changes that affect the country's foreign policy as a whole, primarily strengthening the army: the purchase of modern equipment and weapons and army reform. After the terrible tragedy in 2004 at school No. 1 in Beslan, where there was a terrorist attack that killed more than 1,000 people, most of them children (one of the authors was an eyewitness, because he is a native there), the procedure for the election of governors in the regions and deputies to the State Duma was changed. As a result, the Head of state took responsibility for the activities of the governors and all the consequences. At the same time, the Public Chamber appeared which increased the powers of people's deputies in the State Duma [2. Pp. 15-21].

And of course, as a huge merit of the President of the country, we would like to mention the restoration of historical justice and legal (i.e. by way that does not contradict international law) return of Crimea to the Russian Federation, which, as we well know, was illegally appropriated by the Ukrainian authorities after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Ukraine took advantage of the political crisis in Russia and later on tried to “legislatively” secure the city of Sevastopol and Crimea, writing in its Constitution of 1996, that the issue of changing the territory of Ukraine shall be resolved through an all-Ukrainian national referendum, but this provision shall not apply to the territories acquired unconstitutionally [7. P. 132].

At the same time, it would not hurt to ask the Ukrainian lawmakers: why they appropriated Sevastopol and Crimea without holding an all-Russian referendum on this issue, as required by the Russian Constitution? The answer is obvious: it was beneficial to the Ukrainian authorities.

Summing up, we would like to note that Vladimir Putin became the head of Russia with its complex historical past, huge territory, multi-ethnic and multi-religious state, at a time when it had a number of economic, social and political problems that need resolution. Today, the rating of the head of state is over 80%, people trust him.

REFERENCES:

1. Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of November 30, 2016 No. 640 "On approval of the Concept of foreign policy of the Russian Federation" [Ukaz Prezidenta RF ot 30 noyabrya 2016 g. № 640 «Ob utverzhdenii Kontseptsii vneshney politiki Rossiyskoy Federatsii»] (In Russ.).

2. Dmitrieva J.V. The problem of realization of principle of separation of powers in modern Russia. In the collected works: Legal forum Intercollegiate collection of scientific papers. Moscow, 2016.

3. Gorodilov А.А., Kozlov S.D. Regional studies. Textbook for higher education institutions [Regionovedeniye. Uchebnoye posobiye dlya vysshikh uchebnykh zavedeniy]. Kaliningrad, 2006 (In Russ.).

4. Information and legal portal Garant.ru [Informatsionno-pravovoy portal Garant.ru] // https://www.garant.ru/products/ipo/prime/doc/71452062/ (In Russ.).

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7. Tomsinov V.А. "Crimean law", or Legal grounds for the reunification of Crimea with Russia. Electron. Text data [«Krymskoye pravo», ili Yuridicheskiye osnovaniya vossoyedineniya Kryma s Rossiyey. Elektron. tekstovyye dannyye]. M.: Zertsalo-М, 2017 (In Russ.).

8. Vladimir Putin's Munich speech of February 10, 2007. Verbatim. Full text [Myunkhenskaya rech' Vladimira Putina 10 fevralya 2007 goda. Stenogramma. Polnyy tekst] // https://introvertum.com/myunhenskaya-rech-vladimira-putina-10-fevralya-2007-goda-stenogramma-polnyiy-tekst/ (In Russ.).

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