RODIONOVA М.Е. Cooperation of Russia and Bulgaria: from History to Modernity. Dynamics of Relations in the Context of European Integration (On the 140th Anniversary of Diplomatic Relations Between Russia and Bulgaria)
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2019.33.3.014
М.Е. RODIONOVA Candidate of Sciences (sociology), Associate Professor, Ph.D., Director of the Center for European Studies, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science and Mass Communications, Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation, Moscow, Russia
COOPERATION OF RUSSIA AND BULGARIA: FROM HISTORY TO MODERNITY. DYNAMICS OF RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION (on the 140th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Russia and Bulgaria)
The purpose of this article is to consider Bulgarian-Russian relations, taking into account transformations in the international system, economic aspects of cooperation with the account of the European sanctions and scientific prerequisites for further development. The article considers the issues of regional cooperation within the framework of the Organization for the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), it touches the spheres of tourism, education and energy in bilateral relations. The material is dedicated to the celebration of 140 years of diplomatic relations between the countries and a number of meetings on the eve.
Key words: Bulgaria, Russia, the European Union, the political environment, economic cooperation, the BSEC, energy, the spheres of science and education, tourism, the 140th anniversary of diplomatic relations.
Russia and Bulgaria have a long and rich history of relations. The two countries are united by a common history, a common cultural foundation, the Orthodox faith and the Slavic soul. Speaking at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF-2019), Bulgarian President R. Radev emphasized Russia's role in the history of Bulgaria’s development: “Russia received its written language from Bulgaria. Both Christian faith and Church Slavonic language came to Russia from our lands. A millennium later, in 1878, Bulgaria received its freedom from Russia, for which thousands of Russian soldiers gave their lives. We, the Bulgarians, never forget it” [4]. The historical memory remains between the countries to this day: in 2019 the Immortal Regiment marched in more than 30 cities of Bulgaria, which, of course, the Russian side supports and appreciates.
July 7, 2019 marks 140 years since the first Russian Consul in Sofia Alexander Davydov presented his credentials to the Bulgarian Prince Alexander Battenberg, which is considered the beginning of diplomatic relations between the two countries. What is the basis for bilateral cooperation between the countries now?
Despite the complicated situation in Europe, the ongoing anti-Russian propaganda campaign, attempts to demonize Russia (aggravation of Russian-Ukrainian relations), Russian-Bulgarian relations are developing quite dynamically at the present stage. The political dialogue has recently received a positive development vector. The interest of the two countries in cooperation is indicated by a series of meetings not so long ago, starting from the official working visits of President of Bulgaria Rumen Radev and Prime Minister Boyko Borisov to Russia in May 2018, and in October 2018, the meeting of the heads of government of the two countries at the Asia – Europe Summit in Brussels; March 2019 was marked by the arrival of the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation D.A. Medvedev with an official visit to Bulgaria, within the framework of which a protocol on consultations between the foreign ministries of the two countries was signed; and finally, the SPIEF-2019 meeting of the heads of the countries marked an achievement of a number of agreements on the bilateral cooperation [2]. The dialogue at such a high level continues with the preparation of the autumn visit of Deputy Prime Minister and Minister Yekaterina Zakharieva to Moscow at the invitation of Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. Over the past couple of years, the Russian-Bulgarian forum has already been held three times.
As for the development of bilateral cooperation, first of all, of course, such areas as energy, trade and economics are considered the most interesting, but do not underestimate, for example, the tourist sector, labor migration, the role of Russian investments in Bulgarian real estate, as well as the development of new developing branches of IT industry, pharmaceutical industry, digital economy, as well as cultural and scientific cooperation between the two countries. From the economic point of view, there is a positive trend: the Bulgarian-Russian Intergovernmental Commission for Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation (the 17th regular session of which is due to take place in September 2019) continued its work, the working group on energy and real estate continues to function [1].
Russia is an important foreign economic partner of Bulgaria and primarily in the field of energy (energy sources, energy security). One of the most significant and difficult projects is the Turkish Stream gas pipeline, which initially opened up great opportunities for joint efforts. Important is the possible participation of ROSATOM in restarting the existing project for the construction of a nuclear power plant in Belem. It is also worth noting that in 2017-2018, Rosatom helped to extend the life of the fifth and sixth power units of the only Kozloduy nuclear power plant operating in the country for 30 years [2].
Both countries, Russia and Bulgaria, are striving for active trade and economic relations and a higher level of bilateral trade, as noted by Atanas Krystin, Bulgarian Ambassador to Russia, in a TASS interview [4]. Specialists from both sides are working to strengthen trade and economic ties, including within the framework of the Intergovernmental Commission for Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation (IGC), one of the main topics of which is the consideration of the issue of increasing bilateral trade, which after growth in 2017 by 24%, increased in 2018 by only 0.6%. One cannot but note the existing potential for an increase of export of Bulgarian products.
One of the key topics in bilateral cooperation is the tourism sector, which has reached the level of strategic partnership. More than half a million Russian citizens visited the resorts of Bulgaria in 2018. Russia ranks sixth in the number of foreign tourists visiting Bulgaria. A large number of children's camps, which are in high demand among Russians, are located in Bulgaria. More than 400 thousand Russian citizens purchased a second home in Bulgaria [4]. The prerequisites for the further expansion of the tourist exchanges remain in the focus of attention to this day, a topic raised in the framework of the Russian-Bulgarian tourism business forum held on March 5, 2019 in Sofia. And vice versa, in 2018, a record number of Bulgarians visited Russia: more than 60 thousand. Active work is being carried out both by the Ministry of Tourism of Bulgaria and the Federal Agency for Tourism of the Russian Federation on declaring 2020 and 2021 years of tourism in Bulgaria and Russia, respectively.
Numerous agreements signed between the secondary and higher educational institutions of both countries indicate the positive dynamics in the development of relations in the field of education and science. Government programs at the Russian universities provide unique opportunities for Bulgarian students to study there, as a result, in recent years we witness an increased interest in studying in Russia. About 600 Bulgarian students are currently studying in the Russian Federation. Starting from the next year, an increase in the number of scholarships for Bulgarian students is planned. Moreover, from September 2019, they will be entitled to hourly work, which will give them an opportunity to provide financial assistance for themselves. The growing interest of Russian youth in Bulgarian education is noted by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Bulgaria.
The significance of regional cooperation in the modern globalizing world remains on the agenda and is expressed in promoting and strengthening a positive interstate agenda, strengthening trust and mutual understanding between the peoples. One of the key roles in this direction is played by the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation, an intergovernmental (interstate organization) uniting 12 Black Sea and Southern Balkans countries, created with the aim of developing cooperation, peace, stability and prosperity in the Black Sea basin. In 1992, Russia and Turkey initiated the creation of a platform for international cooperation in the Black Sea region.
On June 25, 1992, the heads of state and government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation in Istanbul [5]. It emerged as a unique and promising model of a multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at promoting interaction and harmony between member states, as well as ensuring peace, stability and prosperity, encouraging friendly and good neighborly relations in the Black Sea region. The organization has comprehensive coverage: from macroeconomic issues to individual industry areas. The areas of cooperation between the countries include agriculture, banking and finance, culture, customs, education, energy, environmental protection, the exchange of statistical and economic information, healthcare and pharmaceuticals, information and communication technologies, institutional updates and management, science and technology, tourism, trade, economic cooperation and others. A whole range of structures supporting its activities has been formed around the BSEC: the bank, the Parliamentary Assembly and the Business Council. A separate area is the development of ties with the business community. According to S. Lavrov “success of the work in the regional format depends on the compliance with a number of conditions such as openness, inclusiveness and a focus on harmonization and interconnection [2].” Promotion of the concept of “integration of integrations” was reinforced by V.V. Putin’s initiative to form a Greater Eurasian Partnership, which involves the integration of various integration processes unfolding in Europe and Asia.
BSEC has repeatedly become the only platform for a dialogue between the countries in the conditions when both political and diplomatic relations were interrupted. Since 1999, the organization has received the status of a regional international organization primarily engaged in the economic cooperation. And it is the economy that can and should become the main unifying factor. It should be noted that BSEC created the Black Sea Trade and Development Bank and in 2016, Russia voluntarily contributed to it one million US dollars [3]. The establishment of mutually beneficial practical cooperation in a number of areas that are most important for some countries (tourism, culture, information and communication, transport, trade, etc.) can and should contribute to the general improvement and strengthening of the situation in the Black Sea region. A number of existing old trade routes, energy and transport corridors and the creation of new ones may become one of the sources of global economic growth, a stronghold in the supply chains in the Eurasian space.
It is important for both countries to maintain a constructive dialogue based on the mutual consideration of interests, respect and trust; openness for the further deepening and expanding of the multifaceted interaction.
REFERENCES:
1. Kolarov G. Predsedatel'stvo Bolgarii v Sovete YES: kak uluchshit' atmosferu dialoga YES i Rossii [The Bulgarian Presidency of the Council of the EU: how to improve the atmosphere of dialogue between the EU and Russia] // https://russiancouncil.ru/analytics-and-comments/columns/europeanpolicy/predsedatelstvo-bolgarii-v-sovete-es-kak-uluchshit-atmosferu-dialoga-es-i-rossii/ (In Russ.).
2. Lavrov S. K 140-letiyu ustanovleniya rossiysko-bolgarskikh diplomaticheskikh otnosheniy [On the 140th anniversary of the establishment of Russian-Bulgarian diplomatic relations] // International Affairs. 05/30/2019 // https://interaffairs.ru/news/show/22639 (In Russ.).
3. Organizatsiya chernomorskogo gosudarstvennogo sotrudnichestva. Ofitsial'nyy sayt [Organization of the Black Sea state cooperation. Official website] // http://www.bsec-organization.org/member-states (In Russ.).
4. Otnosheniyam Rossii i Bolgarii 140 let: obshchaya istoriya, slavyanskaya dusha, pravoslaviye [Relations between Russia and Bulgaria are 140 years old: a common history, Slavic soul, Orthodoxy] // https://tass.ru/interviews/6634522 (In Russ.).
5. The official website of the European Commission // https://ec.europa.eu/commission/priorities/jobs-growth-and-investment/investment-plan-europe-juncker-plan_en.
BURDA М.А., HOREVA Е.Е., LARKINA М.А., BELYAEVA V.P. National-State Identity in Modern Europe in the Context of Migration and Political Processes
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2019.33.3.013
М.А. BURDA Candidate of Sciences (politicalsciences), Associate Professor, Chair of Political Science and Political Management, “School of Political Studies ”faculty, Institute of Social Sciences, Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration, Moscow, Russia
Е.Е. HOREVA Migration Research Team Specialist at the Moscow regional representation of the Council of young political scientists of the Russian Association of Political Science, RANEPA under the President of the Russian Federation, Moscow, Russia
М.А. LARKINA Candidate of Political Sciences, Russian State Social University, Moscow, Russia
V.P. BELYAEVA Deputy Director for educational work, State budgetary general education institutions of the city of Moscow "School no. 97," Moscow, Russia
NATIONAL-STATE IDENTITY IN MODERN EUROPE IN THE CONTEXT OF MIGRATION AND POLITICAL PROCESSES
The article analyzes the features of the transformation of national-state identity in Western Europe under the influence of the migration crisis. In this regard, the study examined some theoretical approaches to the issues of national-state identity that allow to identify the features of its modern transformation. The authors focus on the relationship between migration and political processes in Europe, the symbiosis of which becomes a factor in the rejection of migrants by European society and the growing popularity of political forces with conservative and partly right-populist rhetoric. Thus, the observed renaissance of “national loyalty” becomes the main factor in the transformation of national-state identity.
Key words: national-state identity, migration, migration policy, migration processes, political parties, national loyalty, nation.
Migration of the population is a complex social process that affects almost all aspects of the economic, social and cultural life of the peoples. The country's population structure is formed under the influence of natural movement and under the influence of migration processes. The history of Europe is accompanied by incoming and outgoing migration movements, such as the Great Migration of Peoples, the period of the Great Geographical Discoveries, the American rush, migration after the First and Second World Wars. However, a wave of migrants in 2015 showed that Europe is not ready for mass migration, this leads to devastating consequences, in particular, to a crisis of national-state identity.
In connection with the changing conditions of public life, the need arose to revise the theoretical and practical aspects of the problem of the relationship between external and internal factors in the formation of national-state identity. The analysis of theoretical literature and modern theory and practice indicate the presence of contradictions that require scientific and practical resolution:
– between the interests of civil society and the lack of effective regulation of migration processes by the state;
– between the EU political elite and the inefficiency of migration regulated by European authorities and organizational structures.
Past is the time when intercultural communications took place only at the level of political and financial elites. We are witnessing the creation of a new world space, a global society, changes in which are taking place faster than any scientific breakthrough of the previous generations. This leads to the fact that the macro-social relations among people go beyond the boundaries of national-state communities and become transnational in nature. The speed of these processes causes, according to E. Toffler, the “shock of the future” [14], a specific state characterized by frustration caused by the fact that an individual loses his adaptive ability in front of the rapidly changing reality. Therefore, in the era of globalization, the issue of national-state identity is especially acute.
In order to consider the national-state identity, it is necessary to determine the definition of the term “nation”.
It should be emphasized that the works of Russian authors published in recent years highlight a wide range of issues in this subject area [1; 4. Pp. 50-72; 5; 8. Pp. 69-81; 9; 10; 6].
A nation is a socio-political community of people united by the language, culture, territory in which they live, as well as the presence of their own political, legal and economic system. Such community of people should have such quality as civic consciousness, institutionalized in the form of the state.
The word nation comes from the Latin word “natio,” the original form of which is the verb “nascor” which means “to be born.” The term “nation” has been gaining political significance since the beginning of the sixteenth century, before that it was used in respect of the ethnic communities. However, after the French Revolution, the definition of this term has undergone changes and was filled with political content. Thus, “nation” began to be understood as a political community, although the ethnic component remained one of the key elements. The emergence of such a phenomenon as the state nation is not just a synthesis of the state and the nation, but a special kind of civil nation, a product of the New Age [16].
The phenomenon of a nation is closely related to another socio-historical phenomenon of “ethnos”. The encyclopedic dictionary defines “ethnos” (the “people” in Greek) as a historically established stable community of people.
The significance of ethnicity as a political factor depends on how institutionalized ethnicity is, which, in turn, is determined by many agents (state structures, social movements, etc.), takes various forms and has various consequences. At the moment, there is no scientific consensus on how to determine the phenomenon of ethnicity, however, according to V. Tishkov, there are some features of communities on the basis of which we can conclude that they have ethnicity. These features include:
• the concept of common origin and territory shared by all members of the group, existence of common spiritual, material and linguistic cultures;
• a set of ideas about the homeland and various political institutions, including the institution of the state;
• awareness by members of a group of their belonging to this group, based on various forms of solidarity and joint activity [13].
The concept of identity is widely used today in political science, philosophy, sociology, psychology and other sciences. However, in the broadest sense, this phenomenon is used to describe the awareness of an individual of his belonging of object (subject) to another object (subject), as a part to a whole, as special and universal. Another important distinguishing feature is self-identity.
R. Brubaker states that the term “identity” has five meanings.
1. Identity as the basis of socio-political development. By this we mean an opposition of personal (individual) identity to the universal social interest.
2. Identity as the most important similarity between different representatives of one group. This similarity can be seen in collective actions and general self-awareness.
3. Identity as a collective “I” indicating certain significant imperatives.
4. Identity as a reflection of the type and specifics of the collective solidarity, group cohesion, forming the basis of collective actions.
5. Identity as a result of an interaction of various discourses [2].
It should be noted that a number of scientific approaches to the understanding of national (state-national) identity are inextricably linked with the existing theories of understanding the ethnicity.
The phenomenon of state-national identity is considered in the context of three main approaches: primordialism, instrumentalism and constructivism [15].
Proponents of the primordialism regard the nation as the highest stage in the development of an ethnos, that is, a nation expanded by a kindred group, its occured at the time of formation of the bourgeois relations and liquidation of feudal fragmentation, formation of the ethnic territory and unification of people speaking the same language with a common culture and traditions. From the point of view of this concept, state-national identity is a constant identity that a person has from the moment of his birth.
Proponents of primordialism set out national-state identity objectively, therefore this phenomenon is eternal and unchanging. National-state identity is predetermined by the birth of parents of the individual. In this way, nationality is inherited in the same way as the skin color, form of the eyes, shape of the nose, etc. In other words, the primordial approach explains ethnicity as a characteristic given at birth and underling the group consciousness and behavior.
In their turn, proponents of instrumentalism regard national-state identity as an act of conscious effort on the part of the man, emphasizing its procedural nature and discursive nature, in most cases this phenomenon is a means of grouping and political mobilization of the community to achieve specific goals.
The national-state identity has a symbolic character, determined by the symbols constructed and manipulated by national elites, as a result of which it has a volatile disposition.
According to S. Huntington, national identity is an identity in which the political component is the main one. The content of national identity (national-state) is manifested by the presence of certain characteristics. National-state identity revolves around not the requirements not of material wealth or resources, but of recognition of the dignity of one’s ethnicity, religion, nation, or even personal unique characteristics. In this light, both nationalism and Islamism, that is, politicized Islam, can be considered as various manifestations of identity [7].
At the end of the XX – beginning of the XXI centuries, rapid changes are occurring, mainly related to the growing and highly controversial processes of globalization, that exacerbate the problem of national-state identity in many respects.
A direct consequence of globalization is migration flows: different living standards between north and south are an important factor in migration from poor states, areas of armed conflict and political instability for a more comfortable and prosperous life. This process cannot be stopped by repressive measures, but it is necessary to influence it through proper regulation of migration flows, which will prevent problems both in the exporting countries of the labor force and in the host countries, including the transit states through which the migration flows [12].
The European migration crisis, which has already been dubbed the “resettlement of peoples,” causes a lot of discussion. Some believe that Muslims in Europe are a political experiment in the field of cultural hybridization, while others believe that it is a “plague of the 21st century” that will swallow Europe.
The migration crisis and the demand for sovereignty from the European Union migration policy have determined a significant increase in the electoral popularity of such parties as the Freedom Party (Austria), Fides (Hungary), an Alternative for Germany (Germany), the North League (Italy), the Freedom Party (Netherlands), National Front (France), Party of Freedom and Direct Democracy (Czech Republic), Swedish Democrats (Sweden) and other.
National politics in the European countries has become populist in response to the migration crisis and economic difficulties for the ordinary citizens in Europe. Germany, which was the EU undisputed leader, has been facing serious social problems since 2015, when Angela Merkel decided to open the country's borders to what ultimately amounted to more than a million migrants. Many European states have been exposed to a wave of populism, sometimes mixed with “rightist” ideological elements.
The growth of populism also reflects the antipathy of Europe towards the mass immigration and the concern of ordinary Europeans for the preservation of the common European values [3].
A substantial part of the European society with conservative views critically perceives carriers of a different culture and ethnicity, arriving in the wave of mass migration, who, in their opinion, have an effect on the erosion of the state and national identity of European peoples.
In this regard, leader of the Netherlands Freedom Party Gert Wilders put forward the thesis that Europeans will soon have the prospect of the “genocide of traditional cultural values” [17].
One of the leaders of the Visegrád group, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, said: “There are currently two camps in the European Parliament: one led by Macron, who leads the forces supporting immigration. On the other hand, we seek to stop illegal immigration” [11].
The statements made by European politicians shows that the social and political costs of the current external migration cast doubt on the efficient use of the labor force of immigrants. At the same time, some European states oppose this process, while others, reporting on the seriousness of the consequences of immigration, can no longer abandon this practice, as this will lead to the lower living standards.
The migration crisis is the personification of the failure of the EU migration policy, as well as the policy of multiculturalism cultivated in Europe.
All this allows us to conclude that the anti-migrant rhetoric of political parties and individual politicians, supported by a substantial part of European society is not only the result of dissatisfaction with the consolidated migration policy of the European Union, unable to ensure Europe’s security and traditional way of life and also ineffective in face of the challenges mass illegal migration poses. The negative attitude to the open door migration policy was largely due to the renaissance of “national loyalty,” which became possible in the European society due to the crisis of national-state identity as a result of the rejection by the society of the grotesque forms of tolerance.
REFERENCES:
1. Astvatsaturova M.A., Vorontsov S.A., Zorin V.Yu., Ponedelkov A.V. Doktrinal'nyye printsipy i empiricheskiye resursy sovremennoy etnopolitiki v Rossiyskoy Federatsii (regional'nyy aspekt) [Doctrinal principles and empirical resources of modern ethnopolitics in the Russian Federation (regional aspect)] // Issues of National and Federative Relations. 2018. V. 8. No. 3 (In Russ.).
2. Brubaker R. Etnichnost' bez grupp [Ethnicity without groups]. M.: Publishing House of the Higher School of Economics, 2012 (In Russ.).
3. Burda M.A. Migratsionnyye protsessy v Yevrope i fenomen rosta vliyaniya pravykh politicheskikh partiy [Migration processes in Europe and the phenomenon of growing influence of right-wing political parties] // PolitBook. 2017. No. 4 (In Russ.).
4. Dolzhikova A.V., Moseykina M.N. Sravnitel'nyye issledovaniya upravleniya migratsionnymi protsessami: opyt Rossii i zarubezhnykh stran // V sbornike: Yevropa i Rossiya v usloviyakh mnogofaktornogo krizisa: voprosy ekonomiki, geopolitiki, migratsii, regional'nogo razvitiya. Sbornik materialov VI Mezhdunarodnoy nauchno-prakticheskoy konferentsii [Comparative studies of the management of migration processes: the experience of Russia and foreign countries // In the collection: Europe and Russia in a multi-factor crisis: issues of economics, geopolitics, migration, regional development. The collection of materials of the VI International scientific and practical conference]. M., 2017 (In Russ.).
5. Drobizheva L.M. Rossiyskaya grazhdanskaya identichnost' v nauchno-politicheskikh diskussiyakh i obshchestvennom mnenii [Russian civic identity in scientific and political discussions and public opinion] // Issues of National and Federative Relations. 2018. V. 8. No. 4 (In Russ.).
6. Frolov I.D. Migratsionnyy krizis v YES kak faktor usileniya vliyaniya Rossii v yevropeyskom regione [Migration crisis in the EU as a factor in enhancing the influence of Russia in the European region] // Issues of National and Federative Relations. 2018. V. 8. No. 4 (In Russ.).
7. Huntington S. Kto my? Vyzovy natsional'noy amerikanskoy identichnosti [Who are we? Challenges of national American identity]. M.: AST, 2004 (In Russ.).
8. Medvedev N.P. Etnos, natsiya i politika: yeshche raz o sushchnosti [Ethnicity, nation and politics: once again about the essence of concepts] // Political Science Issues. 2011. No. 3 (3) (In Russ.).
9. Mikhailov V.A. Strategiya gosudarstvennoy natsional'noy politiki Rossiyskoy Federatsii: voprosy teorii i prakticheskikh deystviy [Strategy of the state national policy of the Russian Federation: questions of theory and practical actions] // Issues of National and Federative Relations. 2013. No. 2 (In Russ.).
10. Pain E.A. Voprosy realizatsii Strategii gosudarstvennoy natsional'noy politiki RF v sisteme gosudarstvennogo upravleniya [Issues of implementation of the strategy of the state national policy of the Russian Federation in the system of public administration] // Issues of National and Federative Relations. 2013. No. 2 (In Russ.).
11. Pelosi G. Europa, l’asse Salvini-Orbán si salda contro migranti e Macron // https://www.ilsole24ore.com/art/notizie/2018-08-28/europa-l-asse-salvini-orban-si-salda-contro-migranti-e-macron-203224.shtml?uuid=AEA05UgF&refresh_ce=1.
12. Telagisova D.Sh. Perspektivy mezhgosudarstvennykh protsessov v usloviyakh YEVRAZES [Prospects for interstate processes in the conditions of the Eurasian Economic Community] // Regional development. 2014. No. 1 (In Russ.).
13. Tishkov V.A. Etnologiya i politika [Ethnology and politics]. M.: Nauka, 2001 (In Russ.).
14. Toffler E. Shok budushchego [Shock of the future]. M.: Publishing house AST, 2002 (In Russ.).
15. Tuaeva K.G. Filosofskiye osnovy natsional'noy identichnosti [Philosophical foundations of national identity] // University Herald. 2014 (In Russ.).
16. Werner K., Gschnitser F., Kozelleck R., Sheneman B. Narod, natsiya, natsionalizm, massa [People, nation, nationalism, mass] // Dictionary of basic historical terms and concepts. T. 2. M., 2014 (In Russ.).
17. Wilders G. Nederlands frykt for Eurabia // https://www.aftenposten.no/meninger/kronikk/i/Ba6P7/Nederlands-frykt-for-Eurabia--Ketil-Raknes/.
JIA YUANPEY Experience, Prospects and Problems of Cooperation Between China and Turkmenistan in the Field of Natural Gas
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2019.33.3.012
JIA YUANPEY Post-graduate student of the Chair of political science, Eastern Institute-School of Regional and International Studies, Far Eastern Federal University, Vladivostok, Russia
EXPERIENCE, PROSPECTS AND PROBLEMS OF COOPERATION BETWEEN CHINA AND TURKMENISTAN IN THE FIELD OF NATURAL GAS
Since 2007, the use of natural gas in China depends on the import, and with an increase in natural gas consumption, gas imports are also constantly growing. In 2018, China's natural gas imports approached 100 billion cubic meters, which is 70 times more than in 2006. In recent years, increasing attention has been paid to the use of natural gas in China. Turkmenistan is China’s main source of pipeline gas imports, and China is Turkmenistan’s largest exporter of natural gas. In the framework of the traditional model of oil and gas cooperation, China and Turkmenistan are facing such problems as the uniform content of cooperation, lack of close ties in the field of multilateral cooperation and slow progress in the development of the entire industrial chain. Cooperation between China and Central Asia in the field of oil and gas is increasingly affecting the nerves of other countries, except the five countries of Central Asia, but including Russia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Iran and other countries of the Middle East, Japan, South Korea, etc. and even the European Union and the USA. Despite the favorable trading environment for both parties, there are also problems in the domestic market of Turkmenistan and the risks of international competition.
Key words: China and Turkmenistan, the gas pipeline, advantages and prospects, challenges.
China is the largest developing country, it has been ranking first in the world in terms of energy consumption since 2013, and in the context of energy savings and reduced emissions, China also continues to increase the use of natural gas, which is gradually becoming the main source of energy for the current and future socio-economic development of the country. From the 60s to the 90s, the natural gas consumption in China was small; since 2000, the natural gas consumption in China has been increasing; in 2018, the gas consumption reached more than 230 billion cubic meters, the growth rate exceeded 830% against the year 2000. Moreover, until 2006, the natural gas production in China was higher or at the same level as the volume of gas consumption in the country. Since the natural gas reserves in China are not large, and the natural gas consumption continues to grow, domestic natural gas production can no longer satisfy the country's growing demand [5. Pp. 1086-1095].
Turkmenistan, rich in natural resources, is an important producer and exporter of natural gas. Turkmenistan has a single economic and industrial structure, where natural gas is an important pillar of national economic development, as well as one of the main sources of income from the foreign exchange operations and financial revenues. Turkmenistan opts for the strategy of the “energy-rich country”, while China imports a large amount of natural gas from Turkmenistan, which is why both sides are important partners in the field of natural gas. The Turkmen gas is exported to China, Iran and Russia through pipelines. From 2011 to 2018, China's imports increased by 54% [5].
Ways of China’s cooperation in the implementation of projects in Turkmenistan. China's natural gas imports are divided into pipeline natural gas and liquefied natural gas. The development of pipeline natural gas started earlier and it is more complex. China already has pipelines for transporting natural gas, among them Central Asia-China, China-Russia and China-Myanmar. If compared with the transportation of liquefied natural gas, natural gas transporting, once the pipeline is completed, becomes safer and faster with the marginal costs showing a downward trend. This article focuses on the analysis of the main source countries supplying pipeline gas to China. Four countries are sources of pipeline natural gas in China: Turkmenistan, Myanmar, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. Among them, the volume of import fromTurkmenistan constitutes 81.1% (2018). Natural gas is a key factor of China’s development, energy consumption continues to grow, therefore, the study of the situation in Turkmenistan with the extraction and export of natural gas is of particular importance for the development of China’s strategy of trade in natural gas and for ensuring the safety of such trade [4. Pp. 2-29].
After obtaining the oil production franchise, the Chinese company signs a contract with the Ministry of Oil and Gas Industry and Mineral Resources of Turkmenistan, where the Chinese oil company unilaterally assums the responsibility for the risks of exploration and development of deposits. It also undertakes all investment costs, and in addition, receives a share from the division of oil and gas products.
Firstly, in the process of oil and gas exploration, only the Chinese oil company bears all investment costs and exploration risks. If an oil or gas field of industrial value is discovered, then after the extraction and deduction of franchise fees, the Chinese oil company may receive a certain percentage of the cost of developing the production of oil and gas from the remaining oil and gas products. If in the process of exploration, no oil or gas field of industrial importance is found, the Chinese company unilaterally bears all losses [7. Pp. 274-275].
Secondly, during the exploration and development of the fields, the Chinese oil company must fulfill its obligations to protect the environment, ensure safety, receive supervision from the competent authorities and fulfill the requirements for observing localization standards in Turkmenistan.
Thirdly, after the deduction of the franchise, the remaining oil and gas products may be divided into two parts: one part is allocated to the Chinese oil company “at the cost of oil and gas” and the other part, the “oil and gas profits,” is divided between the Cabinet of Ministers of Turkmenistan and the Chinese oil companies. The distribution is made in accordance with the production sharing agreement.
Fourth, the taxation is simple. The Chinese companies pay the franchise fees and the income tax, and the Cabinet of Ministers of Turkmenistan does not levy consumption tax, local tax, advertising fees, etc. from the Chinese oil companies [11. Pp. 29-34].
In the framework of the traditional model of oil and gas cooperation, China and Turkmenistan are facing such problems as the uniform content of cooperation, the lack of close ties between the multilateral cooperation and slow progress in the development of the entire industrial chain. First, the unified content of oil and gas cooperation between China and Turkmenistan is an obstacle to the comprehensive development of oil and gas cooperation between the two countries. In the past, Chinese oil and gas investments in Turkmenistan were mainly in the east of the country and were mainly directed to the natural gas. Oil cooperation between the two countries has long gone beyond the oil and gas cooperation. Second, the oil and gas cooperation between China and Turkmenistan over the past decade was mainly structured as bilateral cooperation. The construction of the Central Asia-China gas pipeline permitted cooperation with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan only in respect of gas transit, which makes it difficult to achieve a wider cooperation at a deeper level [1. Pp. 74-83].
Advantages and prospects of cooperation between China and Turkmenistan in respect of the gas pipeline. Cooperation between Turkmenistan and China in the field of natural gas supplies is most beneficial for both parties in terms of quantity and geographical location. The two countries cooperate very closely in the field of natural gas supplies and depend on each other, thus forming a good trading model. Cooperation in the field of pipeline gas trade between the two parties has the following advantages:
1. Both sides have built and commissioned an improved gas pipeline. The cooperation between China and Turkmenistan on the gas pipeline went smoothly, and both sides cooperated in the construction of the Central Asia-China gas pipeline, after crossing the Chinese border it joins the West-East Gas Pipeline, called the Second West-East Gas Pipeline. The total length of the line is 10 thousand km, its length in the territory of Turkmenistan is 188 km, about 8,000 km are located in China. The pipeline is laid in two lines A and B. The length of one line is 1833 km, and it is the longest gas pipeline in the world. Line C has already been commissioned, and line D is under construction. The annual transmission volume of this gas pipeline will be 85 billion cubic meters. The construction of the Central Asia-China gas pipeline not only eased the tense situation with the energy resources in China, but also brought tangible economic benefits to various countries along the route, as well as strengthened comprehensive ties between China, Turkmenistan and the countries of Central Asia. The construction of the pipeline makes the export of Turkmen natural gas more convenient and safe, and also brings additional benefits to Turkmenistan. Thus, the Central Asia-China gas pipeline significantly facilitated gas cooperation between China and Turkmenistan [6. Pp. 64-76].
2. Geographic advantages allow both parties to trade cheaper and safer. China is in close proximity to Turkmenistan, pipeline transmission of natural gas has lower costs than costs of transporting liquefied natural gas. After the construction of the transmission pipe is completed, it can be used for many years, and the pipe can also be expanded and used in many countries or regions. Pipeline gas does not require a liquefaction or regasification plants. In contrast, the geographical location of Turkmenistan determines the need for gas cooperation between the two countries, and the convenience of the geographical location is not comparable with the situation of other countries.
3. Turkmenistan is rich in resources, and its position in China is dominant. In 2018, natural gas reserves in Turkmenistan were ranked fifth in the world; China's natural gas imports from Turkmenistan account for more than 80% of China's natural gas imports and over 60% of Turkmenistan’s natural gas exports. At the same time, in early 2016, Russia stopped purchasing Turkmen natural gas, and Russia's withdrawal further strengthened China's cooperation with Turkmenistan in the field of natural gas trade. At present, the cooperation between Turkmenistan and China in the field of natural gas is in very good condition. Turkmenistan’s resources can meet the needs of China and allow to export significant volumes to China. The large volume of imports to China is also an important source of income for Turkmenistan. Based on the above conditions, both parties have good prospects for cooperation and favorable conditions of trade [2].
Before the One Belt, One Way Initiative was launched, oil and gas cooperation between China and Turkmenistan was based primarily on bilateral diplomatic relations and bilateral agreements between enterprises at the government level as the basis for the oil and gas cooperation. For this, it was necessary for both countries to sign the diplomatic agreement based on the state’s intentions regarding cooperation in the field of oil and gas, or to define the basic framework for cooperation in the field of oil and gas. The Chinese oil company and the Ministry of Oil and Gas Industry and Mineral Resources of Turkmenistan signed a contract to determine specific conditions for cooperation. Even if we are talking about cooperation with other Central Asian countries, such as the construction and operation of the Central Asia-China gas pipeline, it was only on a small scale. Since 2013, cooperation between China and Central Asia in the field of oil and gas is increasingly affecting the nerves of other countries, except the five countries of Central Asia, but including Russia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Iran and other countries of the Middle East, Japan, South Korea, etc. and even the European Union and the USA.
As is the case with other countries, China's oil companies pay more attention to domestic energy security, while revenues from operating production sites in Turkmenistan are secondary factors. Based on this, China’s efforts in the field of oil and gas cooperation with Turkmenistan are mainly focused on the search and exploration of oil and gas, as well as transportation and other directions. With in-depth promotion of the One Belt, One Way Initiative, cooperation between the two countries in the field of oil and gas is deepening. Oil equipment, energy financing, industry services and other areas began to gradually develop. In accordance with this, in 2014, the “Joint Declaration on establishing strategic partnership relations between Turkmenistan and the People's Republic of China” was signed. Based on a high level of cooperation, both countries develop and strengthen cooperation in such areas as finance, aviation and space, the railway, agriculture, the fight against terrorism, cultural education and sports, giving impetus to the development of Turkmenistan’s the domestic economy.
Problems of cooperation between the two countries. Despite the fact that relations between the two countries are mostly stable and have more advantages compared to other countries engaged in the trade in the liquefied natural gas, Turkmenistan has its domestic policy and domestic market, and cooperation between the two sides is likely to face the following problems:
1. Market reforms in Turkmenistan are not so deep, but Turkmenistan is highly dependent on the fuel and energy industry, and the country's president has full control over the development of resources. The Ministry of the Oil and Gas Industry and Mineral Resources holds a high position regarding the issues of external energy cooperation, but the foreign energy policy and decision-making are based more on political considerations than purely business practice, and there is a great uncertainty. The Index of Economic Freedom shows that Turkmenistan ranks 171 among 178 countries and regions, indicating a lack of a market economy in Turkmenistan. Thus, energy import and export strategies and market mechanisms can be adjusted in accordance with the economic development of Turkmenistan and market reforms, which at the same time may create risks for China's cooperation in the field of natural gas trade [3. Pp. 67-72, 112].
2. Faced with the fierce competition from Russia, the United States and the European Union, Turkmenistan is the only neutral state in Central Asia practicing diverse and balanced pragmatic diplomacy. The largest political forces in the world, such as Russia, the USA, the European Union, Iran, Turkey, Japan and India, are interested in a share of energy interests in the country and have developed various energy strategies for this, forming a complex model of the energy game. For example, Turkmenistan and Japan are developing projects to diversify export routes for Turkmen gas. China's demand for natural gas is huge, and much of it depends on imports from Turkmenistan. In recent years, great attention has been paid to the natural gas as a cleaner source of energy; investments by countries importing natural gas are closely linked with the energy security of the countries. The future gas partnership between China and Turkmenistan may be affected by the risks of other competing countries in Europe, the USA and Asia [8].
3. The energy sector of Turkmenistan is not open to the outside world: natural gas is an important strategic resource and the main industry of Turkmenistan. In order to maximize its national interests, Turkmenistan has many restrictions on the investment behavior of foreign energy companies. For example, in addition to the major risks and difficulties associated with the oil and gas production on the Caspian continental shelf that may be covered in the production sharing agreements, the onshore oil and gas block is mainly controlled by five large national companies, such as Concern national company. Although in recent years Turkmenistan has gradually opened up rights to offshore oil and gas development, its international tender policy is usually focused on European and American multinational oil companies with advanced technologies and rich capital. Chinese oil and petrochemical enterprises have not yet entered the field of exploration and development. The entry of foreign companies may undermine the export power of Turkmenistan. Turkmenistan is always open for cooperation with the Western oil and gas companies creating the risk of uncertainty about the preservation of gas trade between China and Turkmenistan. Moreover, China is not able to constantly make investments in Turkmenistan’s natural gas, which does not guarantee full-scale trade relations, and may also have a certain impact on the cooperation relations [9].
Thus, the reserves, production and export of Turkmen natural gas to China are guaranteed for pipeline gas cooperation between China and Turkmenistan; in addition, both parties have favorable political conditions, transport security and trade status. Thus, cooperation with Turkmenistan in the field of the gas pipeline is necessary both from the point of view of demand and from the point of view of conditions, but it is necessary to take into account risks and problems.
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HADDAD MOHANNAD Strategies of Main Actors of World Policy Regarding the Middle East and Modern Syria (On the Example of the USA and the European Union)
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2019.33.3.011
HADDAD MOHANNAD Post graduate student, Moscow State Linguistic University Moscow, Russia
STRATEGIES OF MAIN ACTORS OF WORLD POLICY REGARDING THE MIDDLE EAST AND MODERN SYRIA (ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE USA AND THE EUROPEAN UNION)
The article is devoted to the study of foreign policy strategies of the main actors of the world politics, represented by the USA and the countries of the European Union, regarding the Middle East and the Syrian Arab Republic.
The interest in this topic is explained by the particular attractiveness of the Middle East region for the above-mentioned actors, since it has significant economic and transport potential and a favorable geographical position, which opens up opportunities for establishing strong partnership trade and economic ties between the US and the EU on the one hand and Middle Eastern states on the other. At the same time, the Middle East, as a region of increased military-political and social tension, directly influences peace and security situation in the entire world, and because of that the most developed countries of the world seek to establish control over the internal politics in the Middle East and spread their influence on its territory.
The author pays great attention to the study of factors that have contributed to the formation of certain US and EU foreign policy courses in respect of the entire Middle East and Syria in particular, and comes to the conclusion that all of them can conditionally be divided into several large groups that equally affect the development process strategies. Their comparison allowed us to establish that in general both the USA and the countries of the European Union have similar perspective goals and objectives, however, they use different methods and forms of implementing their strategies. This explains the difference in the results achieved: while the United States successfully implement their geopolitical aspirations and gradually strengthen their presence in the Middle East, the EU countries are faced with a number of problems that impede their participation in the current regional events. Nevertheless, despite the successes and failures, the importance of the Middle East region for both the United States and the EU is beyond doubt.
Key words: Middle East, foreign policy strategy, geopolitics, Syria, EU strategy, US strategy.
Currently, the Middle East is one of the “hot spots of the planet,” being a region of increased tension and conflicts. At the same time, the existing political and economic potential of the Middle Eastern states, together with their advantageous geographical position and significant mineral resources, determine the status of the region as a center of intersection of geopolitical aspirations of the leading actors of the world politics.
The interest of the leading states of the world in the Middle East is enhanced by the fact that peace and tranquility not only in the regional states, but on the whole planet depend on how quickly and efficiently security issues within the region are resolved and how quickly possible conflict situations are eliminated. It is clear that the current situation in the territory of the the Middle East largely influences the formation of foreign policy strategies of the world political leaders. This primarily applies to the United States and European Union countries.
Before proceeding to the analysis of their strategies regarding the Middle East region and, in particular, the Syrian Arab Republic, it seems important to describe the current situation within the country.
First of all, we note that the Syrian Arab Republic is a typical example of a state that maintains a stable tone, since it is at the center of the regional political process. As a result, Syria is forced to either take an active part in this process, or it will be completely excluded from it with all the ensuing negative consequences for itself.
Syria is sometimes metaphorically called "the heart of the Arab world" [2. Pp. 159-166] and the entire Middle East, emphasizing in this way that the numerous events taking place in the territory of the the Syrian Arab Republic directly affect the political and social situation within the state itself. As a result, the political elite of Syria, while administering the country, cannot ignore the events in which Syria has been involved since 2014, as well as the unstable situation in the border territories (primarily in Lebanon, Iraq, Israel and Palestine).
Despite the fact that the modern Syrian Arab Republic is developing in accordance with the values of a secular society, worldviews, cultural traditions and foundations that have been developed over several centuries continue to be of great importance to the Syrian society. Thus, according to the Constitution of the country [10], the government provides all kinds of support to the multiconfessional world and guarantees equality to all citizens regardless of their “sex, origin, language, religion or faith” [10]. In this regard, much attention is paid to countering extremism by representatives of Islamist and other religious movements and organizations.
The SAR differs from most other regional states by its desire to form and implement its own independent domestic and foreign policy. However, this does not meet the geopolitical interests of the United States or the EU countries, that excercise pressure on the Syrian government. Aggressive intentions are demonstrated by Israel, de facto satellite of the United States and NATO, whose policy directly depends on the will of Washington. In such circumstances, the SAR government faces the need to combine implementation of independent domestic and foreign policies with the policy of “peaceful resolution of conflict situations” [9. P. 9]. However, this did not allow the SAR to avoid numerous political and economic problems, which put the country in the state of a long political confrontation. Among such problems, it is worth highlighting increased social instability, rising unemployment, low incomes and the consequences of the civil war, which lasted since 2011.
Such conditions contributed to the activation of the foreign policy of foreign states wishing to establish control over the SAR. Increasingly, force-based methods were applied against the SAR, they included “blackmail, manipulation, propaganda, sabotage, economic and other sanctions, the use of military force, discrediting and physically eliminating uncontrollable leaders, etc.” [4. Pp. 9-13]. As for the United States, according to Zb. Brzezinski, the Middle East is a kind of “a cornerstone of their foreign policy” [7. Pp. 30-44], at the expense of which Washington will be able to maintain the status of “the world leader” for a long time even in the face of aggravation of internal political and economic problems.
In addition to the above, the formation of foreign policy strategies of leading world actors is generally influenced by numerous factors. Among the most significant are the following:
•
Geostrategic factors, that is such factors that ensure “qualitative certainty of the existing social environment” [13. P. 354].
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Territorial and geographical factors, namely the advantageous location of the region at the intersection of transport routes connecting Europe, Asia and Africa.
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The international political factor, the role of which is played by the complexly organized Middle East conflict, which includes the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the Arab-Israeli confrontation, internal confrontations in the Arab states and the terrorist activities of extremist organizations.
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Military-strategic factors based on a constantly growing conflict-generating potential of the states of the region and, as a result, private armed clashes in their territories.
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Factors of a cultural and civilizational nature, which significantly dependend on the efforts that the United States and their allies are making in the struggle against the Islamic world.
The above circumstances, as well as the obvious importance of the SAR from an economic point of view, explain the desire of the main geopolitical actors to spread influence over the region.
USA. For the first time, the United States appeared in this region at the end of the 19th century. and since then they have consistently sought to gain a foothold here, actively interfering in the internal processes of the regional and national level. A number of researchers agree that initially in the Middle East Region the American ruling class was interested in establishing its own world hegemony [3. Pp. 126-134].
The US confidence in its own exclusiveness, as well as the country's desire for world domination are well known and are openly declared by the American society and in the official doctrinal documents. The 2015 US National Security Strategy [12] emphasizes the indisputability and legality of the US global leadership, recognized by the country itself and other subjects of the international relations [12]. The same is true for the new 2018 Strategy [11].
The formation of the US foreign policy strategy in relation to the Middle East Region and Syria is inextricably linked with how the US views on its own place in the world political system have been developing. Washington began to show its first initiatives in relation to the Middle East in the 1950s, when the issue of the need to eliminate the “vacuum of power” in this region was on the agenda [1. P. 75]. The vacuum allegedly arose as a result of the weakening of the British-French influence. At that time, US policy regarding the Middle East Region was determined by the "Eisenhower Doctrine," which proclaimed counteraction to the spread of the communist ideas the Washington's main strategic goal [5. P. 96].
Gradually, the United States expanded its presence in the Middle East, strengthened its influence here and, in fact, shaped the agenda and policies of most Middle Eastern states. In fact, the US strategy with respect to the Middle East Region is reflected today in two large geopolitical projects, the Greater Middle East and the New Middle East. Both of them are designed to ensure the strategic interests of the United States in the region by achieving world domination and the desire to liberalize the existing model of the political system.
The 2018 National Defense Strategy of the US [11] also contains important provisions, which outline the main US foreign policy priorities that are being formed with the account for the current global processes: strengthening of the importance of the developing states, weakening of the role of traditional transnational unions, the emergence of new centers of power, etc. [11].
An analysis of these projects and geostrategic documents makes it possible to single out the following US priorities for Middle East Region and the SAR:
•
ousting possible opponents from the territory of the Middle East Region with the subsequent consolidation of the dominant role of the USA in the region;
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establishment of economic ties, creation of conditions for the supply of the hydrocarbon stocks from the Middle East Region to the USA;
•
selective and situational struggle against the regional and international terrorist, extremist and separatist organizations and movements;
•
Western-style democratization of the Arab world, with a focus on standards, canons, and values prevailing in the American society.
There is no doubt that such US political strategy, focused solely on the implementation of hegemonic aspirations, causes the legitimate discontent and indignation of other actors of the world politics, among which the EU countries play a particularly important role.
The European Union is also implementing its Middle East strategy. Like the United States, the European states are largely interested in spreading their influence in the territory of the Middle East Region. For the European Union, leadership in the region means an opportunity to show the world community the importance of its economic and political weight in the international arena and its ability to participate in the resolution of the pressing international problems in the context of a general weakening of the Union.
The common foreign policy of the EU is regulated by the fundamental strategic documents adopted in the XXI century [6. P. 41]. In respect of the Middle East Region and Syria, the organization’s policy is governed by the European Union Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy [8]. This document, proclaims counteraction to the illegal terrorist groups, many of which are formed and operate in the territory of Middle East Region as the main objective of the EU in the region. In addition, goals and objectives are formed taking into account the problems and challenges of our time, in the solution of which the EU countries are forced to participate. Among them, primarily is the aggravation of the situation in the Middle East and the intensification of the illegal migration to the European countries.
Under the current conditions, the EU is greatly interested in the development of economic projects with the Middle East countries, since the use of their rich resource potential for the development of the European economy will allow the EU to pursue a policy more independent from the White House. To this end, a course has been taken towards the implementation of a policy involving the reform of Middle Eastern states along the European lines with a focus on achieving economic and social stability in them and spreading democratic values.
In conclusion, it can be noted that despite the fact that today the Middle East region is a zone of increased tension, it is still an object of geopolitical aspirations of the leading actors in the world politics. Both the US and the EU countries are interested in strengthening their influence in the region. To date, a set of documents has been developed that formulate the strategies of both the United States and the EU in relation to the Middle East Region.
At the same time, it can be argued that the American government today is able to successfully achieve its goals. Thanks to the combination of soft and hard power methods within the framework of the developed projects the Greater Middle East and New Middle East, it became possible to increase the American influence in the Middle East Region and establish partnership relations with a number of countries.
The implementation of the EU foreign policy strategy regarding the Middle East Region and SAR was not as successful. Trying to take an active part in the affairs of the region, the EU met with numerous problems, which the EU, unlike the USA, does not have sufficient resources to solve. That is why the actions of the European Union are not effective enough and demonstrate a certain weakness of the organization.
Assessing the consequences of the implementation of these strategies for the Middle East itself, it can be argued that they are often negative due to the selfish intentions laid down in them. Because of this, the development of the region and the safeguarding of its security are significantly complicated, which is clearly illustrated by the example of modern Syria.
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