Pryakhin V.F. Review of the article by Sh.I. Fahrutdinov “Experience of Uzbekistan on the Prevention of Threats: the Factors and Criteria to Create a Sustainable Society”
Review of the article by Sh.I. Fahrutdinov “EXPERIENCE of UZBEKISTAN ON the PREVENTION of THREATS: the FACTORS AND CRITERIA to CREATE a SUSTAINABLE SOCIETY”
Reviewer:
V.F. Pryakhin Doctor of political sciences, Professor of the Chair of foreign regional studies and foreign policy, Russian State Humanitarian University, Moscow, Russia
The article by Doctor of political sciences, Professor S. I. Fahrutdinov is devoted to the topical issue of pre-emption of threats to achieve a sustainable society in a new independent state formed after the disintegration of the USSR. The demand for such work increases due to the fact that the reviewed material summarizes the experience gained in the course of state-building in the country, which is at the forefront of the fight against pseudo-religious extremism, international terrorism and drug trafficking. The author raises the topical question about the combination of external and internal threats to the stability of the young independent state.
One cannot but agree with the author's statement that the threats faced by the independent Republic of Uzbekistan can be divided into classic type challenges inherited from the ХХ century and qualitatively new problems of the global order that emerged in the XXI century. It is impressive that in the analysis of the causes of the "second order" threats the author refers to the fundamental works of the Russian researcher-globalist N. N. Moiseev, who actively used interdisciplinary methods and synergetic system approach in the analysis of global problems of our time.
Unfortunately, the general state of affairs with regard to the prevention of global challenges and threats in the context of international relations leaves much to be desired. None of the eight tasks identified for solution for 2015 in the ambitious program the "Millennium development goals," adopted at the Millennium Summit, had been resolved. The reason for this is, first of all, the unwillingness of the world's political elite to recognize a qualitatively new nature of threats of the XXI century. In this context, the seemingly axiomatic conclusion of the author of the reviewed article that the main prerequisite for the prevention of threats is their recognition and correct assessment acquires relevant methodological and substantive philosophic character. This conclusion of the author is based on the practical experience of building an independent Uzbek state. In the difficult conditions of unprecedented pressure from pseudo-religious extremism and terrorism, the leadership of the Republic of Uzbekistan managed to preserve and strengthen the secular character of the state and not only in its own country. Together with other CIS countries, Tashkent actively contributed to the elimination of the threat of the neighboring Tajikistan into a stronghold of the world jihadism.
The article presents the author's classification of threats to internal political stability, as well as the main directions of counteraction to these threats. It seems that this classification can and should be significantly supplemented in subsequent studies by the author. In particular, in our view, insufficient attention has been paid to the natural and man-made challenges to stability. It is well known, for example, that a great danger for stability in Uzbekistan and throughout Central Asia is the threat of a possible ecological catastrophe in the event of destruction of the natural dam that holds back the waters of lake Sarez in the mountainous Badakhshan (Tajikistan). The destruction of the dam by an earthquake or other anthropogenic/man-made impact would endanger the lives of five million people in all countries of Central Asia and Kazakhstan.
At the same time, one cannot but agree with the author's conclusion that in order to avert any threats to stability and security, a political unity of society is necessary, based on the trust of the people in the leadership of the country and the constant attention of the leadership to the pressing social and economic problems of the population. In this context, taking into account the complex historical retrospective, the author's references to the relevant speeches and instructions of the first President of independent Uzbekistan I.A. Karimov are relevant and topical.
He most important prerequisite for understanding the threats to political stability in Central Asia is the understanding of the specific circumstances and specifics in the region. Without this, even the most benevolent analysts may face difficulties in conclusions and assessments. A striking example in this regard is the book by former British Ambassador to Tashkent (2002-2004) K. Murray*, who, with the best intentions, criticized the domestic policy of the leadership of Uzbekistan and was forced to leave the country. Realism, to which the author of the reviewed article constantly refers, seems to be very appropriate and timely in this context, especially since it is accompanied by an unequivocal condemnation of the practice of "double standards" carried out by Western States, primarily the United States, in the interests of strengthening its imaginary hegemony in the modern world order. (p. 5)
As an example of the use of "double standards" the article appropriately, in our opinion, refers to the policy of the United States and its allies in Afghanistan. The military action authorized by the international community represented by the UN Security Council gave practically nothing from the point of view of fight against terrorism and strengthening of the regime of secular democratic power in that country. At the same time, it was used to further expand the "sphere of influence" of the United States in the region, the so-called "Greater Central Asia". Particularly noteworthy in this regard is the analysis of drug trafficking from Afghanistan through the post-Soviet countries, which has grown since the beginning of the military action of the US and NATO troops forty times and poses a real threat to other countries, including Uzbekistan.
Similarly, the author critically examines US policy in the Middle East. "The real development of events in the region after the liquidation of the Hussein regime, the article rightly notes, does not provide grounds for an unambiguous assessment of the effectiveness of the new US Middle East strategy: "democratization through occupation" has turned into a very expensive and controversial undertaking in a country that has no democratic tradition and is torn apart by a multitude of religious and ethnic contradictions." (p. 5)
The military intervention of the United States to fill the "democratic deficit" in Iraq and Afghanistan without the appropriate political training, the author rightly argues, showed its ineffectiveness. At the same time, the mechanism of "color revolutions" and "velvet changes" was invented to undermine stability in post-Soviet countries and the Middle East (p. 6). As a" Central Asian "example of the action of such mechanism, the article presents the "Tulip revolution" of 2005 in Kyrgyzstan. In our opinion, this phenomenon is not sufficiently studied in political science. Separate publications on this issue * do not cover the full scope of the issue as a system and, most importantly, do not contain an analysis of the U.S. policy in the region, aimed at the destabilization of local authorities under the pretext of "democratic deficit" and formation of obedient pocket regimes. It seems reasonable that the author should continue his research in this area.
A comparative analysis of the policy of provoking "velvet changes" in Uzbekistan and Ukraine seems to be new and very interesting in the scientific and applied political aspects. The author considers that the same mechanism was used in both countries. But in Uzbekistan, the threat to stability was anticipated in genesis and severely suppressed (the Andijan events). At the same time, developments in the Ukrainian scenario show that "velvet changes" can lead to bloody civil wars.
In the light of the discussions about the role of the ideological factor for the political stability of Russian society, the conclusion of the author (p. 8) about overcoming "the spiritual poverty of the people" as one of the main prerequisites for the successful confrontation of the destabilization attempts and "especially the dangers of radical, nationalist, and fascist ideologies" seems to be relevant and timely.
The author emphasizes the importance of the role of political leader at the critical stages of history, when the political stability of society is threatened. The article provides concrete examples confirming the above thesis with the historical material of the formation of the independent Uzbek state. At the same time, in our opinion, this conclusion should be diversified country-wise, since the concepts of the role of "leader" are very different even in the countries of Central Asia and Kazakhstan that are similar in many aspects. Turkmenistan and Kyrgyzstan represent here extreme antipodes. At the same time, as was rightly noted by Doctor of philosophy R. I. Otunbayeva, formal external differences often hide identical political realities of contemporary Central Asian societies.
In general, the reviewed article is a valuable contribution to the political science research of new challenges and threats in the Central Asian direction. The author's conclusions contribute to a better understanding of the nature of these threats also in the global aspect.
CUI ZHEN Assistance Rendered by the Chinese People to Revolutionary Russia During the Great October Revolution
CUI ZHEN Candidate of political sciences, research fellow of the research Center for the economies and politics of countries with transition economics, Liaoning University, Shenyang, China
ASSISTANCE RENDERED BY THE CHINESE PEOPLE TO REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA DURING THE GREAT OCTOBER REVOLUTION
The peoples of China and the USSR (Russia) throughout its history had the widest contacts. The Great October Revolution saved Russia from class and national oppression and opened a new friendly era in the life of the Soviet (Russian) people. In the difficult period of the triumphant march of the revolution and the strengthening of its results, the Chinese workers, who lived in Russia, directly participated in the revolutionary movement and defended the banner of October, the workers of the Chinese Eastern Railway actively resisted D. L. Horvat and Semenov’s gangs; the Chinese of different classes rendered all possible financial help to the Soviet people even in harsh conditions. All this laid a solid foundation for the Soviet - Russian-Chinese relations.
Key words: Chinese people, Great October revolution, help.
Participation of Chinese workers in the revolutionary struggle
The presence of Chinese workers in the Russian Empire is a consequence of the aggressive policy of tsarist Russia in China. At the end of the XIX century, Russia appropriated the right to build a Sino-Eastern railway (CER) and began to actively recruit Chinese workers. From 1898 to July 1900, at least 200 thousand Chinese workers moved to Irkutsk, Blagoveshchensk, Nikolaevsk-on-Amur and other Russian cities . In 1906-1910, about 550 thousand Chinese workers entered Russia and some of them became permanent settlers there . After the outbreak of World War I, the tsarist government opened another wave of recruitment for Chinese workers to fill the labor shortages. According to the research by Soviet scientists, during the war "at least 200 thousand workers were imported from China," "the European part of Russia received 100 thousand Chinese workers" . In addition, during this period, England hired a large number of Chinese workers to work in Mesopotamia, and many of them from Mesopotamia moved to Russian Caucasus . As is clear from the above material, from the end of the 19th century until World War I, about one million Chinese workers entered Russia.
Chinese workers began to join the great October revolution in the cradle city of the Petrograd revolution and other regions. Chinese workers of Petrograd, Moscow and Perm were among the first fighters of the Red Guard. Chinese workers from Petrograd shipyard red guard participated in the assault on the Winter Palace. Some Chinese workers were among V.I. Lenin’s guards and took part in the work of the Extraordinary State Commission under F. E. Dzerzhinsky . In November 1917, a large number of Chinese workers joined the Moscow Red Guard. At this moment, Chinese workers from the timber factories of the Minsk region on their own initiative contacted the red guard in Bakhmach and sent there about a thousand workers, some of them joined the ranks of the Moscow Red Guard and the others were sent to the Caucasus to fight against the counterrevolutionaries . Fighting together with the Bolsheviks, Chinese workers, who joined the Red Guard at the very initial stage, increasingly delved into the essence of revolutionary ideas and became more and more conscious. Some workers joined the Bolshevik party and even became party leaders and low level organizers.
In 1918, the Soviet government issued a decree on the creation of the Red Army to counter the armed counterrevolution movement and the armies of invaders. At the same time, Chinese units in the Red Army were organized. At this time "not only separate Chinese volunteers joined the Red Army, but whole sub-divisions and even entire units were completed with Chinese workers" . The first Chinese unit of the Red Army was organized in Transnistria, its organizer was a young Chinese worker, a member of the Communist party Sun Fuyang. In January 1918, he proposed organization of the Chinese unit at the second Congress of the revolutionary army in Tiraspol. After that, Chinese units were organized in Leningrad, Moscow, Tula, Perm, the North Caucasus, Siberia, the Far East and other regions. Many units, platoons, companies, battalions and regiments were fully staffed with Chinese workers; Chinese soldiers served in every international battalion. Especially many Chinese units joined the divisions led by Budenny, Frunze and Chapaev, some Chinese sub-units were included in the territorial units of the Red Army. As noted by Soviet historians, at that time, "Chinese volunteers fought at every front" . On the basis of incomplete sources, Soviet historians have calculated that the approximate total number of Chinese soldiers amounted to over 40 thousand .
The most popular unit was the Chinese squad led by Sun Fuyuan, that fought in the South, in the area of Odessa. This detachment after its formation became a part of the Red Army in Tiraspol; in the battle on the Odessa front it was joined by another Chinese squad. Subsequently, these two groups entered the international division of the Red Army and participated in the fights in Odessa, the Crimea and Donbass.
In the spring of 1918, the first detachment of Chinese workers appeared in the Caucasus. On the Northern front, the Chinese detachment joined the Petrograd units. At the beginning of 1918, this group together with the (Russian) Soviet army victoriously defeated the offensive of the self-defense forces and troops of the Anglo-American invaders along the Povenets-Malyga line and other parts of the Northern front . The biggest number of Chinese workers in the Red Army was on the vast Eastern front; when the formation of Chinese troops began in 1918, the total number of Chinese soldiers reached 10 thousand.
The largest detachment in the Perm region, known as the Chinese regiment of the 19th division under the leadership of the heroic commander Blucher, made his way through the area occupied by the White Army and victoriously joined the Soviet troops of the Eastern front. On the day of the first anniversary of the victory of the Great October revolution, the regiment received an order to launch an offensive in Verhojansk. Chinese regiment forced the enemy from the trenches and continued the pursuit of the defeated enemy.
The active participation of Chinese workers in the fighting greatly contributed to the formation and development of the Soviet international unit. In 1919, the Eastern front became the main combat area of the Civil war, and Chinese troops participated in all key battles: the storming of Izhevsk, Sarapul, Belebey, Yekaterinburg, Chelyabinsk, Krasnoyarsk, Irkutsk, etc., together with the Soviet Army they defeated the White Army led by Kolchak .
In 1920, the all-Russian headquarters of Chinese international units moved from Moscow to Irkutsk. A mixed Sino-Korean squadron also arrived there, Chinese soldiers accounted for 65% of the squadron's members . This detachment organized a school in which a large number of Chinese and Korean officers were trained, among them 51 commanders. Some Chinese and Korean commanders and soldiers joined different parts of the 5th army and began to recruit Chinese and Korean soldiers. As a result, every unit of 5th army had its own Sino-Korean volunteer detachment. In addition, a large number of Chinese workers participated in the Siberian and Far Eastern guerrilla movement. S. Koval, commander of the Amur guerrilla group, noted that "Chinese comrades fought in every unit in the Far East" . According to the archival documents of the Beiyang government, 30 thousand Chinese workers fought in the ranks of the Red Army . Chinese Amur guerrilla group numbered 10 thousand people . The group consisted of guerrilla units numbering from one to two hundred people, sometimes from six to seven hundred or even over one thousand people, they took part in military operations in many cities of Siberia and the Far East, in taiga and tundra they heroically fought against the Japanese invaders and the White Army, penetrated behind enemy lines and helped the Soviet power to wage the hardest fight.
Assistance of the Chinese people in the fight against the invaders
In an attempt to stifle the Great October Revolution, the United States, Japan, England, and other allies invaded Soviet Russia in the spring of 1918. Siberia and the Far East were the key areas of intervention. In the spring of 1919, the allies gathered 500-600 thousand soldiers for the joint attack on Soviet Russia. On the Eastern front, Admiral Kolchak played a leading role in the offensive. The Far Eastern Committee of the CPSU (b) adopted a resolution "on the strategy of the Far Eastern Communists," the most important point of which was "the destruction of transport routes and the military industry, as well as all bodies of the Kolchak government, propaganda in foreign troops and among Eastern peoples should become the most important direction of the work of party figures" . In the exclusion zone of the Far Eastern railway, Bolshevik leaders, in accordance with the resolution of the party, began propaganda and organizational work among Chinese and Russian workers. "They tried their best to prevent the strikes from taking political character, but they achieved control over the masses and increased their authority. Chinese and Russian workers have united their efforts" . Chinese workers took an active part in propaganda and organization of strikes, the report by D. L. Horvat’s investigation department read: "Two Chinese arrived at the station of Handaohetsi and conducted propaganda among workers, demanding that the management of the Far Eastern railway paid wages in Czarist rubles according to the market situation. These two people organized a general strike in the territories adjacent to the Far Eastern railway" .
Assistance and sympathy to the people of Soviet Russia
In 1921, Soviet Russia was hit by a severe drought, and although the Soviet government took all possible measures, but several years of war and economic blockade by the imperialist powers completely exhausted the country's economy. The country could not fully cope with the difficulties on its own, and was forced to seek help .
In order to coordinate efforts aimed at assisting drought victims in Russia, on October 30, 1921, several prominent public figures organized in Beijing the Chinese society for assistance to drought victims in Russia. The Chairman of the Board of the society was Xiong Selin, Cai Yuanpei was Deputy Chairman, Lee Yuanhun was nominated to the position of honorary Chairman. Coordination of efforts allowed to establish the All-China movement of help to victims of drought in Russia. The Shanghai branch of the Society in its address to the nation stated: "we call for universal sympathy and international mutual assistance. < ... > The drought will end and the suffering of the Russian people will end. Aid in case of trouble, such as assistance in case of fire and assistance to a drowning man is a help to oneself. Masses of people are moving forward" . Lectures, speeches, charity performances and other fundraising events were also organized in Beijing. The total amount collected at the time was: "80.498 yuan, 9 Jiao, 6 Feng and 4 Li in Chinese currency, 61 yen in Japanese currency, 1000 rubles in Russian currency, 92 silver coins and 9150 copper coins." At the station of Anda in the province of Heilongjiang, Humanitarian Union collected 29 trains of grain . Although the donations collected at the time were not so great, it should be borne in mind that China itself has been experiencing drought for several years, and donations were collected by poor employees and ordinary people who saved on everything. That is why these donations are a symbol of the Chinese people's true concern for the Russian people. The Soviet government highly appreciated the humanitarian assistance of the Chinese people. The Soviet government has repeatedly stated to the representatives of China: "Each country has put forward its own conditions, and only China just helped unconditionally" .
These charity events helped the Chinese people to better understand Soviet Russia's policy toward China and in a sense helped bring the Chinese government closer to Soviet Russia. Ordinary Chinese at first sight understood the friendly policy of Soviet Russia to China. Although at that time China and Russia did not establish diplomatic relations, the Beijing government supported and encouraged this charitable activity.
As humanitarian supplies were prepared and trains were sent, trade was also established in the border areas. Large loads of grain, seeds and cattle were sent to Russia non-stop. All this has created a good environment for the establishment of diplomatic contacts and the development of bilateral relations. The Soviet government saw in these humanitarian actions prerequisites for the establishment of diplomatic relations. As it was reported in Izvestia article, "Looking at China's charity, pure enthusiasm and will of the Chinese people to help the needy, the Russian people in every possible way welcomes, and the Soviet government deeply appreciates this help. As the Chinese people demonstrate warm feelings towards Russia, so Russian-Chinese relations in the future will rise to the same height" .
In conclusion, it should be noted that international support is one of the main conditions for the victory and consolidation of the results of the proletarian revolution. Even the smallest support and assistance of the neighboring Chinese people to Soviet Russia, surrounded, blocked and attacked by imperialists, was extremely valuable. The Chinese people, who were under the rule of imperialists, showed true compassion for the Soviet people. The assistance on the part of the Chinese people was unselfish and therefore it really touched the feelings of the Soviet people. Tens of thousands of Chinese workers shed their blood fighting on Soviet soil, the workers of CER cruelly attacked the followers of the White; Chinese people provided all possible moral and material support to the Soviet people, it all played a significant role in strengthening and development of the Soviet power. The Soviet people will never forget this helping hand extended in the most difficult time. Many Soviet historians, who retrospectively considered the traditions of Soviet-and Russian-Chinese friendship, agreed that the assistance of the Chinese people in the early years of Soviet power was at the origin of this friendship. The Soviet people will never forget this helping hand extended in the most difficult time. Many Soviet historians, who retrospectively considered the traditions of Soviet-and Russian-Chinese friendship, agreed that the assistance of the Chinese people in the early years of Soviet power was at the origin of this friendship. Nor will the Chinese people forget the Soviet people's help in the Chinese democratic revolution, the struggle against fascist invaders and socialist construction. The course and development of Russian-Chinese friendship is continuous, this is the conclusion of history.
БИБЛИОГРАФИЧЕСКИЙ СПИСОК:
1. Chinese volunteers fighting for the Soviet power // Institute of the peoples of Asia, USSR Academy of Sciences. 1961.
2. Liu Yunan Sangse Nin chen de yu. – М., 1959.
3. Novogrudsky T. and other Chinese brothers in arms. – М., 1959.
4. A letter from the representative of Soviet Russia to Jang Huicin. December 21, 1921 // Jiujia xu lin.
5. Letter from representatives of the DVR to the Chinese society for assistance to drought victims in Russia. November 9, 1921; letter of Harbin Society of compatriots to Chinese society of assistance to drought victims in Russia. 9 December 1921// Jiujia xu lin.
6. Minutes of the 6th meeting of the Chinese society for assistance to victims of drought in Russia // Publication of the society for assistance to victims: Minutes of the Russian-Chinese meetings.
7. Soviet Central state historical archive: fund 323, catalog 5, file 534.
8. Sun Fuyuan To Chinese revolutionary socialists // Pravda. – May 9, 1918.
9. Telegram of the military governor Jilin and Bao Guijin, the managing director of CEL, to railway management. February 2, 1920 // Beiyang government Railway archive.
10. He Feici. The history of joint struggle of the Chinese and Russian workers of CEL against the interventionists and the White Guards (1918-1920) // Voprosy istorii. – 1958. – No. 4.
11. Shanghai Mingo Zhibao. March 2, 1922.
KARSANOVA E.S. Limits of Swiss Cooperation in the Field of Security
E.S. KARSANOVA Doctor of political sciences, Professor of the Department of state, municipal administration and social processes Odintsovo branch of MGIMO(University), Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, Odintsovo, Moscow region, Russia
LIMITS OF SWISS COOPERATION IN THE FIELD OF SECURITY
The article gives a brief overview of the security policy in Switzerland after the end of the cold war, considers adjustments and changes in the approach to security. It is noted that the emergence of the concept of comprehensive security was the starting point for the transition from autonomous to more cooperation-oriented security policy. In addition, in general, such changes have led to a broader understanding of security in Switzerland, primarily due to a broader understanding of the threat spectrum. This comprehensive understanding of security has resulted in a fusion of security and foreign policy, which has led to an integrated approach in defining security and readiness to support international missions.
Key words: security, Switzerland, neutrality, international cooperation, peacekeeping missions, peacekeeping.
In the early 1970s, the Swiss concept of "comprehensive protection," which included a wide range of instruments for peace and independence. However, the focus was clearly on a realistic military approach to security. All security measures were restricted to Swiss territory, and the main perceived threat was a military attack on the country. It was a clear differentiation between the tasks assigned to armed forces and the duties assigned to civil institutions. It was a consequence of the division of security and foreign policy in Switzerland at the time. Humanitarian commitments, good offices or multilateral cooperation in economic and social matters were considered outside the security sphere. This delineation of responsibility began to disappear only in the mid-1970s partially due to the signing of the "Final Act of the Conference on security and cooperation in Europe" in 1975.
Shortly after the end of the cold war in 1990, the Swiss Federal Council published a document entitled "Swiss security policy in transition", which marked the first change towards a broader and more comprehensive approach to security. Security was no longer perceived as a purely military matter, moreover, it was noted that the autonomous maintaining of security became impossible.
It is known that Switzerland's national security is based on the principle of political neutrality, which stood the test of time and was legally formalized at the Vienna Congress in 1815. In the general approach, including foreign policy, Switzerland has used the flexibility of its neutrality in several ways. First, Switzerland has used the special position of a neutral country by offering good offices in the settlement of conflicts. Second, the country joined such institutions as the European free trade Association in 1961 and the Council of Europe in 1963. This dual position is called "solidary neutrality." Sociological research and referendums in Switzerland demonstrate high and stable support for neutrality . The views of political elites in Switzerland are consistent with the preferences of public opinion, that is, neutrality as a common value is supported by politicians of almost all important parties. For strict neutrality in matters of security are, first of all, the policies of the conservative side of the political spectrum. On the other hand, the centre's politicians and parties advocate a more pragmatic approach to security neutrality. For example, Free Democratic Party argues that Switzerland should adhere more strongly to the notion of "security through cooperation" .
By the beginning of the 21st century, the ideas of expanding multinational cooperation without abandoning neutrality became more and more popular in Switzerland. Referendums on the expansion of cooperation in security matters carried out in the 2000-ies have confirmed this course. Large-scale military reform ("Army XXI"), which began in 1998, not only made significant structural adjustments to the formation of the Swiss army, but also set a new vector in the national foreign policy.
In recent decades, Switzerland has increasingly deployed armed forces abroad in support of peacekeeping missions, among them: participation of the Swiss contingent of the international force in Namibia (UNTAG) (1989-1990); participation of the Swiss contingent (SWISSCOY) in the KFOR international force, led by NATO in Kosovo from 1999 to 2003; participation of Swiss officers in the international security assistance force in Afghanistan (ISAF) in 2003; participation in the European Union Force (EUFOR), etc.
It is difficult not to notice the changes in the quality of peacekeeping in which Switzerland participates. First, it is progress from the participation in the UN medical units or military observers to the military presence in Kosovo or the deployment of personnel in Afghanistan. Second, after the 2001 referendum on the Swiss military law, Swiss contingents abroad may be armed. This was an important step towards an increased participation by the Confederation in the peacekeeping missions. However, the Swiss military act also makes it clear that peace-enforcement missions abroad are prohibited .
Switzerland's increased participation in peacekeeping missions is most likely the result of a merger of security and foreign policy, which has led to a more integrated approach to security, and has also contributed to a greater willingness to support international missions. At the same time, this interdependence has led to some foreign policy restrictions in Switzerland's security policy. Sometimes, therefore, bilateral cooperation outside multilateral institutions is the only practical solution. In addition, some bilateral treaties, for example in the field of arms control, may serve as examples of future agreements within multilateral framework. In this regard, the comprehensive notion of security may also be referred to as a reason for bilateral action.
If back in 1986, the Swiss people, by a majority vote, opposed the country's entry into the UN, today Switzerland is increasingly agreeing to join multilateral security institutions. The two main security institutions to which Switzerland has acceded are the Partnership for Peace, which Switzerland joined in 1996, and the United Nations, which Switzerland joined in 2002. Both security institutions present ideas and values that are part of Switzerland's understanding of national security. Thus, the UN is committed to the concept of human security, which is an important part of national security in Switzerland. Moreover, the values underlying PFP, stability and security in the Euro-Atlantic area, the protection and promotion of fundamental and human rights and the protection of freedom, justice and peace through democracy are consistent with Switzerland's broad approach to security.
Finally, Switzerland has taken measures to limit the use of force and to ensure accountability for the use of armed forces abroad. The institution of referendum, being an integral part of the Swiss model of democratic self-government, is not only an instrument of regulation of interethnic, interfaith and ethno-linguistic conflicts , but also provides an opportunity to take into account the views of the Swiss regarding security issues. Since the end of the Cold War, nine security referendums have been held, four of which relate to the use of force abroad .
Swiss Federal Council is authorized to deploy the country's military contingent abroad . However, if the mission is armed, the Federal Council must consult with the Foreign affairs and security committee of the Parliament. Moreover, if more than a hundred servicemen are sent abroad or if the mission lasts more than three weeks, the Parliament is obliged to vote on the issue. An additional requirement for the deployment of Swiss troops abroad is the UN or the OSCE mandate. These institutions are the only legitimate institutions authorized to mobilize and use military force.
The concept of neutrality continues to dominate Switzerland's security culture. However, neutrality does not preclude greater cooperation on security issues with partners in or outside agencies. Therefore, in the field of the multilateral use of force, one can observe changes in Switzerland's security culture.
Thus, "security through cooperation" in Switzerland means, on the one hand, the cooperation of domestic military and civilian instruments and, on the other, the intention to work together with international partners. The latter is not merely an expression of solidarity, but an important element of Switzerland's security policy, which serves its own interests. The limits of Swiss cooperation in the field of security are determined by two factors. A prerequisite for Switzerland's participation is that any peacekeeping operation must be clearly legitimate from the point of view of international law (usually the UN Security Council or the OSCE mandate). In addition, the limitations arising from the neutrality act must be respected. In this context, since 1993, the Swiss Federal Council considers that economic coercive measures by the United Nations have a priority in relation to the neutrality act. However, this position does not apply to military coercive measures. In this case, neutrality is maintained in the reserve.
БИБЛИОГРАФИЧЕСКИЙ СПИСОК:
1. Volgin О.S. Vladimir Solovyov on the importance of the state. Philosophy. – 2015. – No. 8.
2. Document submitted to the 5-th International Security Forum (ISF), October 14-16, 2002, Zurich. See. –URL: http://www.isn.ethz.ch/5isf/5/Papers/Haltiner_paper_V-3.pdf.
3. Karsanova E.S. Swiss experience of public administration and prevention of ethno-linguistic contradictions. Scientific review. Humanities. – 2012. – No. 5. – Ser. 2.
4. Karsanova E.S. Ethno-political conflicts in multinational states: comparative analysis/monograph. – Odintsovo: ANOO VPO OGI, 2010.
5. Petrov I.Е. Essays on the history of Switzerland. – Yekaterinburg: Tsirkon, 2006.
6. Federal law on the army and military administration (military law) of 3 February 1995, art. 66а. (Bundesversammlung der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft, Bundesgesetz ueber die Armee and die Militaerverwaltung (Militaergesetz, MG) vom 3. Februar 1995, Art. 66a).
7. Basler Zeitung. FDP setzt sich fuer starke und moderne Armee ein. August 6, 2007. See. – URL: http://www.baz.ch/news/index.cfm?ObjectID=3B8E8605-1422-0CEF-70D8BAE116EDF984.
8. Karl W. Haltiner and Andreas Wenger. Sicherheit 2006: Aussen-, Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitische Meinungsbildung im Trend. – Zurich: Forschungsstelle fuer Sicherheitspolitik der ETH Zuerich und Militaerakademie an der ETH Zuerich, 2006.
9. Karsanova E.S. Federalism as a factor of sustainable development of the multiethnic state. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences. vol. 6, No 3. Supplement 2, May 2015. – Rome, Italy, 2015.
PASHCHENKO L.V. Ukrainian Crisis and its Impact on the Growth of Conflicts in the Region
L.V. PASHCHENKO Candidate of Sciences (philosophy), Associate Professor, Department of history and law, Murmansk Arctic State University Murmansk, Russia
UKRAINIAN CRISIS AND ITS IMPACT ON THE GROWTH OF CONFLICTS IN THE REGION
The article deals with the specifics of conflicts in the post-Soviet space and identifies the causes and factors that contributed to the development of the conflict relations. The author highlights such reasons as ethnic tensions, territorial disputes and positions of the national elites. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the development of the Ukrainian crisis and its destabilizing impact on the regional security. The policy pursued by the Ukrainian leadership aimed at the heroization of the Bandera movement and formation of Russophobic sentiments, as well as imposition of its visions of the past and present upon the population does not contribute to a constructive solution of the existing problems. The author notes that the escalation of tension in Ukraine was significantly influenced by the major world and regional centers of power and that the settlement of the conflict is possible only through the joint efforts of the international community.
Key words: post-Soviet space, Ukrainian crisis, Transnistrian conflict, ethnic contradictions, identity.
As a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union, a new geopolitical space was formed on the political map of the world. In the scientific literature the space is now called "post-Soviet space." Formation of the national identity of the newly formed states was accompanied by the growth of separatist sentiments, ethnic and territorial differences. In many respects, territorial and ethnic contradictions were laid down by the national and administrative principle of the state structure and administrative division of the USSR. Many borders in the USSR were usually established along ethnic lines, with some ethnic groups being granted Autonomous status. In addition, arbitrary border changes have contributed to the rise of territorial claims and inter-ethnic clashes. The disputed status of territorial units and discrepancies between the areas of ethnic settlements became the basis of the Karabakh (Armenian-Azerbaijani) 1988-1994, the Georgian-South Ossetian 1991-1992, the Georgian-Abkhazian 1992-1994 and the Moldovan-Transnistrian conflicts.
An important role in the escalation of conflicts was played by the political elite of the conflicting parties, which actively used the ethnic idea to realize their political ambitions. In these circumstances, a conflict of mutual perception, xenophobia and intolerance began to form. All these circumstances contributed to the rapid escalation of conflicts and their subsequent transition to the armed phase. The armed confrontation has led to enormous human losses, destruction of infrastructure and economic losses. Thus, in the course of the Karabakh conflict, according to various estimates, up to 25 thousand people were killed, more than 25 thousand were injured, hundreds of thousands of civilians have left the place of their residence and more than four thousand people are listed as missing .
According to experts, the conflicts of the post-Soviet space are characterized by complexity, which greatly complicates their settlement. In addition, they involve, directly or indirectly, neighboring countries close to the conflicting parties, which may again lead to armed confrontation. After Russia has recognized Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states, the situation there looks relatively calm. However, against the background of the Ukrainian crisis, the areas of Transnistria and Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts have deteriorated. This article will focus on the destructive impact of the events in Ukraine on the situation in the region.
In 2014, the international community was shocked by the depth and bloodshed of the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. Many experts consider the Ukrainian conflict, along with Karabakh, one of the most difficult and acute in the post-Soviet space. Fighting in Eastern Ukraine has led to a humanitarian catastrophe with millions of refugees. According to the Director of the United Nations development Programme (UNDP) in Ukraine Yantomas Hiemstra, since the beginning of the conflict "in in the Donbas, the Eastern region of the country, almost 10 thousand people have died. Among the victims, there are about 2 thousand civilians. 22 thousand people were injured, millions of Ukrainians were displaced and many of them live in dangerous proximity to areas of fierce battles" .
It should be noted that the Ukrainian conflict is difficult to analyze, due to the fact that there are few reliable sources and the available information is contradictory and biased. Among the recent analytical materials, we would like to mention publications by the experts of the Russian Council for International Affairs, which, in our opinion, are quite objective and balanced in assessing the events. In the work "Ukrainian challenge for Russia" the authors point out to four key dimensions of the Ukrainian crisis.
1. Contradictions in the relations between the West and Russia caused by the competition in the post-Soviet space, as well as differences in the assessments of European security and ways of ensuring it.
2. Russian-Ukrainian contradictions, in which Russia considers Ukraine as a sphere of its vital interests, an important element of its integration projects and a factor that largely ensures consolidation of the society.
3. The armed conflict in the Donbass and the contradictions within the Ukrainian elite.
4. Crimean issue.
The conflict in the South-East of Ukraine also has its own specifics and differs from other conflicts in the post-Soviet space. According to the theory of political conflicts, Ukrainian conflict can be classified as an internal armed conflict. However, its impact went beyond the national framework and its escalation and character were significantly influenced by major centers of power – the US, Russia and the EU. In the geostrategic plans of the West, the territory of Ukraine was considered as an arena of "big game" against Russia. The drawing of Ukraine into the European integration space and into political and military cooperation with NATO was aimed primarily at containment of Russia and disintegration of the post-Soviet space. The theorist of the American geopolitical thought Z. Brzezinski in 1997 in his work "The Great Chessboard" presented his vision of the further development of the Eurasian space. In that book, he determined the importance of Ukraine for the integration processes in Russia. According to Z. Brzezinski "without Ukraine, the restoration of the Empire, whether on the basis of the CIS or on the basis of Eurasianism would become unviable" . The political elite of Western countries, armed with the ideas of the American politologist, began to act decisively. Western European and American politicians, involved in the process of democratization and Europeanization of Ukraine, sometimes used methods and technologies that do not comply with the international law. They include recruitment of political leaders, introduction of their advisers in government structures and financing of far-right nationalist groups. As President Vladimir Putin noted, as a result of such policy the West lost its political sense and sense of proportion, "our Western partners crossed the line, behaved rudely, irresponsibly and unprofessionally" .
In one of her speeches, the representative of the US state Department V. Nuland said that Washington has allocated US$5 billion "to support the aspirations of the people of Ukraine to a stronger and democratic government" . However, the export of the American democratic model led in Ukraine to a split of the country, the rampage of the far-right nationalist movement, heroization of the Bandera movement and formation of the public opinion Russophobic sentiments.
Not taking into account the socio-cultural peculiarities of the Ukrainian society that have been formed over the centuries Ukraine was actually faced with the choice of the historical path. Ukrainian officials have gone so far in the implementation of Russophobic policy that even began to receive calls to break contacts with the relatives from Russia, they adopted a decree on the blocking of the Russian Internet networks and services. We agree with the view expressed by T.A. Dmitriev who noted that "attempts of one part of the Ukrainian society to impose by force upon the other part its vision of the past, the present and the future as "the only correct one" don't promote a search for a democratic compromise on key questions of life of the country and conclusion of such compromise and bring directly opposite results" .
One of the prominent representatives of the US political science G. Kissinger presented his vision of the problem. The diplomat noted that both external and internal forces were guilty of the tragedy in Ukraine. The US and the European Union have shown short-sightedness, ignorance of history, unwillingness to think strategically and act. According to G. Kissinger, it is impossible "to consider Ukraine as a component of confrontation between East and West, … any prospects of creating an international system of cooperation between Russia and the West, and especially Russia and Europe, will be destroyed for decades" . However, even greater responsibility is borne by the political leaders of Ukraine, who after gaining independence "have not learned the art of compromise, and even less have mastered the skills of seeing the historical perspective." It is worth agreeing with another conclusion of the American politician, who believes that "the root of the problem lies in the attempts of Ukrainian politicians to impose their will on the rebellious and persistent part of the country" .
It follows from the above that the US leadership and its Western allies did not seek to prevent the Ukrainian crisis and by using the situation, putting pressure on the Ukrainian opposition and motivating their actions have in many ways contributed to its escalation and transition to a phase of armed confrontation. At the same time, by using the channels of global media and the technology of information and psychological impact they laid the main blame for the events on the Russian Federation.
The irrational and ill-conceived actions of the Ukrainian political leadership have further exacerbated the split of the Ukrainian society. It should also be noted that the rampage of Ukrainian radical nationalism poses a serious threat to the security in the region. The events in Ukraine have significantly destabilized the situation around Transnistria. Ukrainian media, in their attempts to escalate the situation, positioned Transnistria as a territory posing a security threat not only to Ukraine, but also to Moldova. The Moldovan security forces regularly carried out provocative actions in the Security Zone. The Moldovan leadership, incited by the US and the EU, declared the need to transform the operation and withdraw the Russian troops from Transnistria. Attempts have been made to discredit the peacekeeping mechanism and substitute it with the introduction of "monitoring" police mission with the participation of Western countries. Official Kyiv supported the position of Moldova aimed at withdrawal of the Russian peacekeeping mission. However, such position does not suit Transnistria, which considers the Russian contingent a guarantor of its security and peace. According to the Ambassador at large of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs Sergei Gubarev "Transnistria is the only region of the former USSR where after the introduction of the peacekeeping contingent hostilities did not resume" . The position of the Transnistrian population is very important in this matter. The conducted sociological survey proved that the vast majority of respondents (82.7%) consider the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers from Transnistria unacceptable .
Against the background of these events, the economic situation in Transnistria has deteriorated significantly. Due to the fact that there are no common borders between Transnistria and Russia, the Ukrainian blockade deprives the Transnistrian region of the possibility of free trade with Russia. According to experts, the share of Russia in the foreign trade of the TMR that used to reach 20% has lately halved. At the same time, exports to Russia until 2006 reached 50% and now constitute only 8% . Against the background of currency devaluation, the Russian market becomes less attractive for Transnistrian economic agents. According to I. Selivanova, the current situation may "become the beginning of a gradual distancing from the Russian Federation as the sole strategic partner of TMR, especially since Russia began to lose its position in the region on a number of economic indicators" . In such situation, the European Union exerts pressure on the Transnistrian leadership to reorient the region into the sphere of its foreign policy and economic interests.
In the context of the socio-economic and political crisis that Moldova is experiencing now, the protest movement has become more active and corruption scandals have become more frequent. Against this background, Romanian-unionist project "Unirea-2018" is gaining new "breath". According to the project, unification of Moldova and Romania into one state should take place in 2018 and is timed to coincide with the centenary of the Romanian annexation of Bessarabia in 1918. It should be noted that young people take an active part in the unionist movement because they have lost faith in the prospects of their country and identify themselves with the Romanian nation. Many experts believe that the idea of unification with Romania is intended to replace the idea of Moldova's European integration.
Given Moldova's non-aligned status, enshrined in its Constitution, the intensification of Moldova's military and political relations with NATO countries is alarming. Joint exercises of the American and Moldovan troops take place regularly. As a rule, these exercises are held in close proximity to the security Zone of the Moldovan-Transnistrian conflict. We believe that the Euro-Atlantic vector of Moldova's foreign policy will not contribute to the rapprochement of Tiraspol with Chisinau, since, despite all the efforts of the opponents of the Russian Federation, the Pro-Russian orientation of the foreign policy of the unrecognized Republic is supported by the majority of the region's population.
The events in Ukraine provoked an aggravation of the situation in the zone of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In expert circles the armed clashes, which took place on April 2-5, 2016, were called the "four-day war." The political leadership of Azerbaijan has repeatedly justified its right to a military solution of the Karabakh problem. For these purposes, the military forces were actively increased, arms were purchased and the ceasefire was violated. Thus, according to the available data, in the "period from June 28 to July 4, 2015, the ceasefire agreement was violated by the Azerbaijani side about 300 times. At the same time, it produced more than 6000 shots from various types of small arms in the direction of the positions NK Defense Army" . Attempts to defrost the conflict with a 25-year history were made against the background of deterioration of relations between Russia and Turkey, which gives grounds for experts to conclude that the latter was involved in the events of April 2016. Russian Leadership has made several attempts to separate the conflicting parties and stop the armed confrontation.
The lack of solution for the conflict contradictions retains the confrontational nature of the relationship and is not conducive to economic development. The situation of "neither war nor peace" poses a threat to regional security, since at any moment it can again turn into an armed confrontation. Normalization of the situation largely depends on the position of such major political players as the United States, Russia, the EU, for which conflict zones present considerable geostrategic interest. The difference in the approaches of the main participants and their reluctance to compromise have led to a standstill in the negotiation process. Competition between the two models of integration: European and Eurasian in the post-Soviet space also complicates the situation.
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