№ 6-2 (94-2), 2023
Academic Journal “Political Science Issues”. Volume 13, Issue 6-2 (94-2), 2023
CONTENTS
HISTORY AND THEORY OF POLITICS
Prilepsky P.A. Theoretical Bases of the Concept Chinese Soft Power
Gandaloeva Z.M. Political Space in Russia: Theoretical and Methodological Analysis and Regional Specifics
Laguzova M.A. Evolution of Views of A.I. Koshelev Regarding the Preservation of Community Land Ownership: a Political and Textological Analysis
Komarov A.A. O. Spengler: Future Belongs to Russian Culture
POLITICAL HISTORY OF RUSSIA
Belanovskaya Yu.E., Mironova A.V., Slizovsky D.E. Patriotism and Patriots in Modern Russia: Signs of Strength and Weakness (Historical and Political Aspect)
Volokh V.A., Suvorova V.A., Shorokhova S.P. Historical and Political Experience of the Integration Policy of Migrants in Russia
POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY
Azizi S.K. Gender and Factors, its Definitions: the Realities of Modern Tajik Society
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, PROCESSES AND TECHNOLOGIES
Buslaev A.V., Demetradze M.R. Genesis of the National Sovereignty
Svechnikova M.V. Characteristics of Trust in the Space of Modern Political Communication on the Internet
Kotova E.A. On the Issue of Clericalization of Russia
Acobardina A.I. Analysis of Democratic Consolidation of the USA Based on the Theory of Three-Level Consolidation of Democracy by H. Linz and A. Stepan
PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND SECTORAL POLICIES
Abrashin I.I. Features of Introducing a Project Approach in the Process of Municipal Management
Chistov I.S., Kolpakov M.V. Comparative Analysis of the Implementation of the Digitalization Policy in the Formation of the Reputational Capital of the Republic of Bashkortostan and Chuvashia
THEORY AND HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND FOREIGN POLICY
Yin Simeng, Bikerniece A. The Building of European Soft Power in China Through Educational Collaboration
Maslakova-Clauberg N.I. Challenges for the World Order in the 21st Century: G7 and BRICS
Mehmet Urper. Evolution of Dynamics of Turkey's New Foreign Economic Concept During the AKP Governance
Lisenkova A.D. Eurosceptic Political Groups in the European Parliament
Emelin D.R. Middle East as a Subject of Research in the Context of Energy Policy
Kazaryan S.A. The Impact of the Corporate Social Responsibility of the United States Transnational Companies in Developing Countries
Luo Yanchao, Xiang Yiyuan, Liu Yuchen, Zhu Hao. Comparison of China's and India's Tools of Influence in Southeast Asia in the 21st Century
Liu Qi. Russia and China in the Age of Globalization: Strategic Partnership in the Information Wars of Modernity
Molchanov P.P. The Migration Crisis’s Impact on the Concept of “European Solidarity”
Nalbandian K.S. Turkey's Political Influence in the South Caucasus
Turovskaia A.E. US Role in Transformation of the Security System of the Baltic Sea Region
STUDENT SCIENCE
Arefiev P.V. The Political Course of “Socialism of the XXI Century” in Venezuela and the Reasons for its Failure
Zinoveva E.N. Evolution of the Concept of Political Agenda in Scientific Knowledge
Kurchenko A.I. South Korean Japanese Relations: Conflicts in the 21st Century
Li Xiawei. Features of Sino-Russian Relations of Comprehensive Strategic Cooperation and Partnership
Pak O.A. The Example of the English Gentleman J. Locke: the Relationship of the Philosophical Ideal with Political Reality
Stenyaeva A.D. Russia's Geopolitical Strategy Towards China
HISTORY AND THEORY OF POLITICS
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.001
P.A. PRILEPSKY Lecturer at the Faculty of Political Science of the State Academic University of Humanities, Moscow, Russia
THEORETICAL BASES OF THE CONCEPT CHINESE SOFT POWER
In the conditions of the post-bipolar system of international relations, the introduction of J. Nye concept "soft power" has allowed some countries develop "non-forceful" foreign policy. Based on this concept, practical and theoretical experiences of Chinese "soft power" China introduced "national interpretation" of Nye's concept, and broadly – an independent concept, different from Nye's meaning.
Chinese scholar proposed own versions of the concept of soft power, which eventually became to known as "(state) cultural soft power". It became an official part of the foreign policy toolkit of the People's Republic of China, adopting from J. Nye only the idea of finding new sources of world leadership and offering criteria for assessing soft power. J. Nye and some significant American sinologists criticize Chinese soft power, calling it "propaganda" or describing it as "Sharp power".
This study is relevant due to the long-term growth of contradictions in US-Chinese relations and the further evolution of the concept (discursive power) as part of China's foreign policy.
Key words: soft power, cultural soft power, China, J. Nye, criticism, theory.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.002
Z.M. GANDALOEVA Postgraduate student of Moscow State University named after M.V. Lomonosov, Moscow, Russia
POLITICAL SPACE IN RUSSIA: THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL ANALYSIS AND REGIONAL SPECIFICS
The article provides a theoretical and methodological analysis of the political space of the Russian Federation and its regional specifics. To achieve this goal, the article solves such problems as a review of theories and approaches of the political space that form the matrix of the study of the political space of the Russian Federation, and the definition of the concept and role of subnational political space in the structure of the political space of the Russian Federation and regional specifics in it. As a result of the study, it is determined that the study of the political space of Russia involves the implementation of the study within a wide range of doctrines and methodological approaches. An important place among them is occupied by studies of subnational politics, which have a significant high potential for novelty and theoretical and practical significance. They include a wide range of unexplored issues, and also largely correspond to modern Russian realities.
Key words: political space, Russian Federation, subnational policy, region, local community.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.003
M.A. LAGUZOVA Postgraduate student of the Faculty of Political Science Moscow State University Lomonosov, Moscow, Russia
EVOLUTION OF VIEWS OF A.I. KOSHELEV REGARDING THE PRESERVATION OF COMMUNITY LAND OWNERSHIP: A POLITICAL AND TEXTOLOGICAL ANALYSIS
The article is devoted to the evolution of the views of the famous Slavophile, landowner and public figure A.I. Koshelev (1806-1883) on the need to preserve communal land ownership in in Russia of the 19th century. The political and textological analysis of the publications and correspondence of the thinker led to the conclusion that the attitude of A.I. Koshelev to the community was not always the same, and as he studied this issue, it underwent changes. At the end of the 1840s. the Slavophile has been very skeptical about this traditional component of peasant life. This is evidenced by his critical remarks on the work of his comrade-in-arms in the Slavophil circle A.S. Khomyakov (1804-1860) «On rural conditions» (1842) and «On the rural community» (1848), which he reflected in his letters addressed to the author. However, in the 1850s. A.I. Koshelev radically changed his opinion on the preservation of the worldly principle, becoming its defender. In his subsequent works devoted to the solution of the peasant question, the thinker actively supported the worldly order, argued in favor of its preservation and entered into polemics with its opponents.
Key words: A.I. Koshelev, Slavophilism, communal land ownership, evolution of views, political and textual analysis.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.004
A.A. KOMAROV Postgraduate student of the Department of History of Socio-Political Doctrines, Faculty of Political Science, Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russia
O. SPENGLER: FUTURE BELONGS TO RUSSIAN CULTURE
The analysis of the features of Russian culture, that was revealed in the framework of the fundamental research work of the famous German social philosopher Oswald Spengler "The Decline of Europe", allows us to interpret a new perspective of the traditional issues of Russian political science, mainly related to the problems of determining the civilizational identity of Russia, the dynamics and prospects of its development. Based on the concept of the civilizational approach, which was dominant in the views of O. Spengler, the work examines the issues of authenticity of different cultures, intercultural interaction, the possibility of comprehending one culture by another, the artificial embedding of one culture's values into another, cultural xenophobia and nihilism. The description of the features of Russian culture that was set in the "Decline of Europe" forms a figurative representation of modern researchers about Russia in German socio-political thought of the first quarter of the twentieth century. According to the presented analysis, the author concludes that external challenges that threaten the preservation of the cultural core give rise to artificial pseudomorphoses. The formed concept of the cultures' evolution allowed to predict the vital potential and vector of the development of Russian culture for a millennium ahead.
Key words: O. Spengler, "The Decline of Europe", culture, Russia, pseudomorphosis.
POLITICAL HISTORY OF RUSSIA
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.005
YU.E. BELANOVSKAYA PhD (History), Associate professor, History of Russia Department, RUDN University named after P. Lumumba, Moscow, Russia
A.V. MIRONOVA PhD (History), Associate professor, History of Russia Department, RUDN University named after P. Lumumba, Moscow, Russia
D.E. SLIZOVSKY Doctor of historical sciences, Professor, History of Russia Department, RUDN University named after P. Lumumba, Moscow, Russia
PATRIOTISM AND PATRIOTS IN MODERN RUSSIA: SIGNS OF STRENGTH AND WEAKNESS (HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL ASPECT)
The article attempts to show and explain the signs of the dichotomous properties of such a phenomenon as patriotism by the example of historical plots. The results of the study confirm our hypothesis, that potentially patriots, as subjects of patriotism, and patriotism in the form in which it offered itself, as the state and society see it, have both signs of strength and weakness. This prevents patriotism from confidently and firmly serving to strengthen the state in its broad historical significance, as well as in the meaning of understanding and explaining the image and idea of the future of Russian statehood.
Key words: patriotism, patriots, signs of patriotism, historical examples of patriotism and non-patriotism.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.006
V.A. VOLOKH Doctor of Political Sciences, Associate Professor, Professor of the Department of Public Administration and Political Technologies of the Institute of Public Administration and Law of the State University of Management, Professor of the Department of Political Processes, Technologies and Propaganda of the Faculty of International Relations and Geopolitics of the Vladimir Zhirinovsky University of World Civilizations, Member of the Presidential Council Russian Federation on Interethnic Relations, member of the Public Council under the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, Moscow, Russia
V.A. SUVOROVA Candidate of Political Sciences, Associate Professor, Associate Professor of the Department of Public Administration and Political Technologies of the Institute of Public Administration and Law of the State University of Management, member of the Expert Advisory Council at the GUVM of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, Moscow, Russia
S.P. SHOROKHOVA PhD, Associate Professor, Dean of the Faculty of International Relations and Geopolitics, Head of the Department of Political Processes, Technologies and Propaganda of the ANO VO, Moscow, Russia
HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL EXPERIENCE OF THE INTEGRATION POLICY OF MIGRANTS IN RUSSIA
Introduction: the article examines the experience of the integration policy of migrants in Russia in the historical and political context. Special attention is paid to the analysis of integration policy in the tsarist and Soviet periods. The authors note the peculiarities of the survival rate of internal migrants. The article is intended for specialists in the field of political science, history and sociology, as well as anyone interested in migration and integration in Russia.
Purpose and objectives: The purpose of this article is to study the historical and political experience of the integration policy of migrants in Russia and its effectiveness.
Achieving this goal becomes a consequence of solving the following list of tasks: to consider the history of immigration to Russia and its impact on the economy and society; to investigate the processes of internal migration and the integration of internal migrants; to study the current policy of integration of migrants in Russia and its effectiveness; to analyze obstacles to the integration of migrants in Russia; to consider the consequences of successful integration of migrants for the economy and societies.
Methods: in carrying out the research, historical, comparative, analytical, as well as methods of scientific generalization and synthesis were used.
Results: the study of the integration of migrants in Russia is analyzed on the basis of historical and political science experience. The study revealed that despite certain stereotypes and barriers, migrants in Russia are still mostly integrated into society and make a significant contribution to the economic development of the country. The article also offered recommendations for improving the integration policy of migrants in Russia.
Conclusions: the necessity of creating a system of integration of migrants into Russian society is emphasized. The authors note that integration should be a two-way process, including teaching the Russian language and the legal foundations of Russia, as well as respect for the cultural and religious traditions of migrants.
However, it is worth noting that despite numerous programs and policies that perform the function of integrating migrants in Russia, the question of their success remains open. The article focuses on the need to change the mentality of Russian society and the education of civic culture and trust in relation to migrants.
In general, the article emphasizes the importance of the integration policy of migrants in Russia, provided its integrated and balanced approach.
Key words: migration, adaptation, integration, politics, Russia, labor market, population, migration processes, trends.
POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.007
S.K. AZIZI Russian Academy of National Economy and Public Administration under the President of the Russian Federation, Moscow, Russia
GENDER AND FACTORS, ITS DEFINITIONS: THE REALITIES OF MODERN TAJIK SOCIETY
The given article is issued/deals with the research of some factors and peculiarities determining gender problems on the context of modern sociocultural conditions of Tajik society. The author of the article analyzes the view of Islamic religion, Oriental/Eastern mentality and traditionalism, patriarchal models of family and social life, which influences to women rights in modern Tajikistan.
Key words: gender, sex, women's rights, traditions, morality, religion, family, employment and others.
POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, PROCESSES AND TECHNOLOGIES
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.008
A.V. BUSLAEV BA in Political Sciences, Master student at Zhirinowsky University of World Civilizations, Moscow, Russia
M.R. DEMETRADZE Ph.D. in Political Sciences, Full Professor at Zhirinowsky University of World Civilizations; Russian Heritage Institute Likhachev Russian Research Institute for Cultural and Natural Heritage; Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration, Moscow, Russia
GENESIS OF THE NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY
Introduction. Despite the claims often made by of neo-liberal researchers, that the sovereignty at our time is a withering concept, this very category retains its place as a cornerstone of a state, which, given the fact that this concept serves as the very basis for the very system that ensures citizen compliance with the rules of mutually beneficial coexistence, this should be of little surprise. Nevertheless, despite its importance, there is no definition of sovereignty in neither international nor national positive law. This, in turn, grants any and all international actors the complete freedom to interpret it within its general theoretical framework, resulting in simultaneous existence of completely different, often incompatible ideas, concepts, and practices.
Purpose and objectives. Our general purpose is to determine the initial goals pursued by the creation of sovereignty. Achieving this goal demands the following; identifying the prerequisites for the emergence of sovereignty; determining the necessary conditions for the emergence and existence of sovereignty; exploring the characteristic features of the political systems of the states of Europe that took place during the period of the emergence of sovereignty.
Methods. While performing the research, historical, comparative, analytical methods, as well as methods of scientific generalization and synthesis were applied.
Results. This research presents the process of the emergence of prerequisites for the creation of sovereignty, the emergence of the concept of sovereignty of the ruler in the philosophical and legal thought of Europe, the process of the gradual disappearance of supranational sovereigns in the form of the Holy Roman Emperor and the Pope, the transformation of sovereignty into a fundamental category of domestic politics.
Conclusion. Sovereignty was originally formed as a mechanism for justifying the power of the ruler, of him rising above the law and becoming a source of it. Over time, after the collapse of the first conditional world sovereign – the Roman Empire – sovereignty was forgotten, only to be reinvented later to rid the European monarchs of the influence of those who claimed the heritage and power of Rome. Over time, having adopted this concept, the states saw in it a limitation of their own power, and therefore distorted it, turning it into one of the most dangerous and immoral constructs for a while. In the sphere of international relations, sovereignty created a paradoxical situation: in relation to a separate political community, this category implied the presence of a bearer of absolute power in it, while in relation to the international community, the absence of such.
Key words: international relations, international law, sovereignty, sovereign, political community, nation-state.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.009
М.V. SVECHNIKOVA Graduate Student, History and Theory of Politics Program, Political Science Department, Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russia
CHARACTERISTICS OF TRUST IN THE SPACE OF MODERN POLITICAL COMMUNICATION ON THE INTERNET
Modern trends of digitalization and virtualization of the socio-political space pose new research tasks for scientists, one of which is related to the revision of the characteristics of trust in the process of political Internet communication. In this paper, the author identifies and analyzes the features of communication between the government and society on the Internet, while trying to identify the place and role of trust in the modern communication model. Theoretical assumptions are formulated, they need empirical substantiation: 1) communication in the virtual space is more related to the phenomenon of "distrust"; 2) the priority of trust in the source of information rather than the information itself; 3) the transfer of trust in information sources from offline to online space; 4) narrowing of the radius of trust, the phenomenon of "bonding trust"; 5) point formation of trust; 6) security as an important factor in the formation of a trusting relationship.
Кey words: trust, political Internet communication, self-communication, echo chamber, information capsule.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.010
E.A. KOTOVA Postgraduate student of the Faculty of Political Science Moscow State University M.V. Lomonosov, Moscow, Russia
ON THE ISSUE OF CLERICALIZATION OF RUSSIA
Religious institutions have always been linked to political processes. Moreover, initially, some of the functions that the state subsequently assumed were related to the functions of the church. Today, the domestic political science discourse often raises the question of the clericalization of Russia, despite the fact that officially our country is a secular state. The author of the work comprehensively examines the term clericalization, its semantics and boundaries of use. The degree of participation of the Russian Orthodox Church in the political life of Russia is also analyzed. Methods of system analysis and political and legal analysis are used. Based on the conducted research, it is concluded that there is no situation of clericalization and the secular nature of state-religious relations in the Russian Federation.
Key words: clericalization, secularization, secular state, state-confessional relations, state, Russian Orthodox Church.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.011
A.I. ACOBARDINA Bachelor of the Department of Comparative Political Science, MGIMO MFA RF, Moscow, Russia
ANALYSIS OF DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION OF THE USA BASED ON THE THEORY OF THREE-LEVEL CONSOLIDATION OF DEMOCRACY by H. LINZ AND A. STEPAN
In this article, the author assesses the level of democratic consolidation in the United States using the theory of H. Linz and A. Stepan. According to this theory, the consolidation of democracy occurs at three levels: institutional, behavioral and value. By “consolidated democracy” is meant a political regime in which democracy, as a complex system of institutions, rules and incentives, has become “the only game in town”: at all three levels of consolidation, democracy has become routinized and deeply embedded in social, institutional and psychological life. The neo-institutional approach in its two interpretations was chosen as the research methodology: rational choice neo-institutionalism and sociological neo-institutionalism.
The main conclusion of the work can be considered the position that the departure from democratic norms occurs at two levels out of three – behavioral and value. The institutional level remains stable despite all the challenges American democracy faces today. Value and behavioral deconsolidation are objective processes characteristic of American society, but in the short term they do not lead to institutional instability. At the same time, there are reasons to believe that democratic consolidation, in which the vast majority of the country's citizens accept democratic values and reject authoritarian alternatives, is a reversible process.
Key words: democracy, democratic consolidation, democratic institutions, US democratic system.
PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND SECTORAL POLICIES
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.012
I.I. ABRASHIN Postgraduate student of the Central Russian Institute management – branch of the Federal State Budgetary Educational Institution of Higher Education "Russian Academy of National Economy and public service under the President of the Russian Federation, Orel, Russia
FEATURES OF INTRODUCING A PROJECT APPROACH IN THE PROCESS OF MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT
This scientific article is devoted to the study of the features of the implementation of the project approach in the process of municipal management. The paper describes the key features of this approach, such as flexibility, focus on results, as well as the difficulties associated with lack of experience and shortage of staff, the problem of funding and others. The purpose of the study is to study the problems that municipalities face in the implementation of project management and develop recommendations for improving this approach in order to effectively manage the socio-economic development of municipalities.
To achieve the goal, a systematic approach, analysis and synthesis, logical and comparative analysis, grouping and generalization method, expert analysis and scientific classification method are used. These methods make it possible to more fully and accurately identify problems and identify opportunities for improving project management at the municipal level. Based on the data obtained, the author concludes that the project approach can become an effective tool for managing municipal development, but requires serious work to adapt to the specific conditions and needs of municipalities.
Key words: project approach, municipal government, local government, project, municipal development.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.013
I.S. CHISTOV PhD Student, Department of Public Policy and History State and Law of the Law Institute of the Russian, Peoples' Friendship University named after Patrice Lumumba (RUDN University), Moscow, Russia
M.V. KOLPAKOV PhD Student, Department of Public Policy and History State and Law of the Law Institute of the Russian, Peoples' Friendship University named after Patrice Lumumba (RUDN University), Moscow, Russia
COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DIGITALIZATION POLICY IN THE FORMATION OF THE REPUTATIONAL CAPITAL OF THE REPUBLIC OF BASHKORTOSTAN AND CHUVASHIA
This article conducts a comparative analysis of the implementation of the digitalization policy and its impact on the formation of reputational capital in the Republic of Bashkortostan and Chuvashia. Digitalization is an important factor in the development of modern regions, affecting their competitiveness and economic growth. The main aspects of the implementation of the digitalization policy are analyzed, including the development of digital infrastructure, attraction of investments and business development, as well as communication and marketing activities. As a result of a comparative analysis, differences in the level of development and strengthening of reputational capital in the field of digitalization between the Republic of Bashkortostan and Chuvashia are revealed. The analysis offers recommendations for improving the reputational capital of both regions in the field of digitalization and highlights the need to further develop digitalization policies for the sustainable growth and development of these regions.
Key words: reputation, public administration, reputational capital, digitalization policy.
THEORY AND HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND FOREIGN POLICY
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.014
YIN SIMENG Candidate in Political Science, Senior Lecturer in the School of International Studies, Dalian University of Foreign Languages, Researcher at the Institute of Northeast Asian Studies, Dalian University of Foreign Languages, West Section of Lushun South Road, No. 6, Dalian, China
A. BIKERNIECE Candidate in Political Science, Lecturer in the School of International Studies, Dalian University of Foreign Languages, West Section of Lushun South Road, No. 6, Dalian, China
THE BUILDING OF EUROPEAN SOFT POWER IN CHINA THROUGH EDUCATIONAL COLLABORATION
Education is one of the important means to realise the construction of a country's soft power, and overseas students, as carriers of culture and values exported to the outside world, can help build a positive national image. This paper systematically examines the history and current situation of China-EU relations, China-EU educational exchange and cooperation projects, and China-EU international student exchanges between 2008 and 2022. The authors give a detailed introduction to the Erasmus Education Programme, a specific EU initiative in the field of, and points out that China-EU cooperation in the field of education faces the following challenges. First, the institutional limitations of the EU's "umbrella" approach have led to a booming trend of bilateral cooperation between EU countries and China, and at the same time, the EU as a regional organisation has worked closely with China but has less cooperation with the Chinese government and lacks a unified system. Second, there is some competition between the two sides in terms of talent training and employment opportunities. Thirdly, the core of EU-China relations is economic and technical cooperation, while education cooperation is not a priority for the two sides. Sino-European education cooperation continues to show positive trends, as evidenced by the undiminished interest of Chinese and European students in studying abroad; the outbreak of the COVID-19, which has facilitated the process of digital reform of education policies, including in the EU; and online education models and technological changes, which are breaking geographical boundaries and gradually becoming an important complementary approach to offline education, as well as a tool to promote cultural exchange.
Key words: education cooperation, China, EU, soft power, Erasmus Mundus.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.015
N.I. MASLAKOVA-CLAUBERG Candidate of Political Sciences, Senior Research Fellow Scientific Center for Research and Development of Civilizations of the East ANO VO «University of World Civilizations named after V.V. Zhirinovsky», Moscow, Russia
CHALLENGES FOR THE WORLD ORDER IN THE 21ST CENTURY: G7 AND BRICS
Introduction: in the context of the ongoing transformation of the world political system, large international organizations, and informal groups of countries, which have the most significant impact on the formation of a new world order of the 21st century, are of particular importance. Among them, the two largest organizations should be singled out – the G7 as an informal international club of states (countries of the «collective West» recognizing the global dominance of the United States), and BRICS as an interstate association of countries (countries focused on building a multipolar world). This study presents an analysis of the activities of these organizations in the current conditions of geopolitical confrontation along the West-East line. The prospects for their development will largely determine the contours of the future world order, since they represent two influential centers – Euro-Atlanticism (G7) and multipolarity (BRICS).
Purpose and objectives: the main purpose of this study is to present a comparative analysis of the activities of the G7 and BRICS, as well as their influence on the formation of a new world political system of the 21st century, considering modern challenges and military conflicts. To achieve this goal, the following list of tasks was defined: to analyze the political and economic potentials of these two organizations, to give a comparative description of their influence in modern international relations, to highlight their main advantages and disadvantages in a changing world order, to substantiate the prospects for their development, taking into account the rapidly changing political – the economic situation in the world, predetermine their place in the new emerging world political system.
Methods: in this study, the following methods were used: scientific generalization and synthesis, as well as other methods – analytical, historical, comparative, and monographic.
Results: the result of the scientific study is a general comparative analysis of the potential of two organizations – the G7 and BRICS, which, in the context of growing geopolitical tensions, have influential positions and influence the formation of a new world order of the 21st century. The world order created after the Second World War faced a bloc confrontation between two political systems – socialist and capitalist – during the Cold War. Despite the fact that the international organizations of the UN system formed the basis of the post-war world political system, they turned out to be ineffective in the face of the growing challenges and threats of their time.
Conclusions: The international organizations presented in the study – the G7 and BRICS – have essentially different geopolitical perspectives. Thus, the G7 is on the «downward line» due to the ongoing transformation of the old world order, while the BRICS is on the «upward line», since it focuses on building a new multi-order world. However, whether the BRICS will be able to turn into an influential political center capable of «setting the tone» in the 21st century, only time will tell. Nevertheless, it becomes obvious that the era of «Eurocentrism» and «American globalism», the agenda of which is voiced by the «Big Seven», is losing its attractiveness in the form of emerging new centers of power. The «geopolitical shift» to the East is becoming a fait accompli.
Key words: рost-war system of the world, global confrontation, formation of a new world political system, collapse of the USSR, multipolarity, international law, economic potential, geopolitical turbulence, international security.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.016
MEHMET URPER Senior Lecturer at the Department of International Humanitarian Relations of St. Petersburg State University, St. Petersburg, Russia
EVOLUTION OF DYNAMICS OF TURKEY'S NEW FOREIGN ECONOMIC CONCEPT DURING THE AKP GOVERNANCE
This article discusses the features of today's prospects and perplexity, as well as the dynamics of the external economic strategic new multi-vector orientation of the leadership of the AKP, in the development of Turkey's trade and economic stability in the international arena, at the beginning of the 21st century. Additionally, special attention is paid to the study of the conceptual component of the formation of a new economic model in Turkey, in the period after the Justice and Development Party came to power. At the same time, the conceptualization of economic prerequisites at the level of a separate mechanism for the functioning of the economic base is analyzed and considered in the context of the programs for the implementation of projects for the implementation of the political activity of the Justice and Development Party after 2002. The purpose of this article is to present a comprehensive picture of the regionally determined geo-economic and globally oriented socio-economic development of Turkey as a benevolent peacemaker in the system of international relations. The subject of this study is the evolution of the dynamics of economic development based on the historical, ethno-confessional and cultural values of the Ottoman heritage, which gave rise to the concept of "Imperialism 2.0" as a new ideologeme that can be fundamental within the paradigm of the Neo-Republican commitment to the model of public administration in Turkey's foreign policy.
Key words: Russia, USA, Turkey, Europe, international economic situation, Middle East.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.017
A.D. LISENKOVA Lecturer, Department of International Relations, North-West Institute of Management, Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration, St. Petersburg, Russia
EUROSCEPTIC POLITICAL GROUPS IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT
This article characterizes the features and identifies the differences among the Eurosceptic political groups in the current convocation (2019-2024) of the European Parliament. These include The Left in the European Parliament – GUE/NGL, the European Conservatives and Reformists and the Identity and Democracy. The text compares the ideological foundations of the groups and their results in the elections of different years, as well as assesses the problems and prospects for further development. Separately, the most represented among the non-inscrits national Eurosceptic party the Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Alliance is considered. The author comes to the conclusion about the dominance of soft and right-wing Euroscepticism at the present stage, significant heterogeneity among left-wing Eurosceptics, comparatively positive prospects for conservatives and reformists even after the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union, as well as about the determining importance of the attitude of member parties towards Russia in the distribution parties between groups in the European Parliament.
Key words: Euroscepticism, populism, European Parliament, political group, political party, Russia.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.018
D.R. EMELIN PhD Student, Faculty of Global Processes Moscow State University them. M.V. Lomonosov, Moscow, Russia
MIDDLE EAST AS A SUBJECT OF RESEARCH IN THE CONTEXT OF ENERGY POLICY
In modern conditions, energy policy is becoming one of the key components of the foreign policy of both importing states and exporting states of minerals. This state of affairs is explained by the national interests that guide all states. And ensuring energy security in this context is becoming one of the key tasks, which is due to the direct dependence of socio-economic development on the availability of energy resources, which are headed by the oil and gas sector. The paper considers the intra-regional approach of the countries of the Middle East to ensuring the principles of energy policy and security on the example of individual countries. In addition, there are a number of factors, among which one can single out the constant struggle for influence in the region, terrorism, religious clashes, which negatively affect the development of a stable system of regional security, and, consequently, the implementation of the energy policy of countries. The article also raises the question of the interests of global actors in the Middle East, who seek to have a direct impact on the processes taking place in the Middle East theater.
Key words: Middle East, energy policy, energy security, relations between East and West, global terrorism.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.019
S.A. KAZARYAN PhD student, Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russia
THE IMPACT OF THE CORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY OF THE UNITED STATES TRANSNATIONAL COMPANIES IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
In the last few decades, the influence of transnational corporations (TNCs) on international relations has become increasingly obvious. It should be emphasized that the impact of TNCs concerns not only economic relations, but also affects political relations between various states. As part of their interstates activities, TNCs, as relatively new subjects of international relations, are increasingly using corporate social responsibility (CSR) policies in their host countries. Public policy and public sector actors in developing countries are hugely facing problems related to corporate social responsibility. It is extremely important to try to determine the area of responsibility of TNCs within the framework of CSR initiatives, the possibilities of state and legal regulation of TNCs’ activities, the level of transparency of companies' accountability, instruments of state influence and influence on TNCs to further prevent the negative consequences of their activities on political, social and environmental spheres, such as: corruption, violation of human rights, harmful effects on the environment and many others.
The article presents the definitions of the concepts "transnational corporation" and "corporate social responsibility" existing in the scientific community. This article also illustrates examples of the positive and negative impact of CSR initiatives in developing countries. In addition, the range of opportunities that states have to mitigate the negative effects of CSR, as well as to use its potential positive benefits for public policy, are presented. Government involvement is illustrated by examples of policy instruments and programs that contribute to the beneficial impact of CSR of multinational corporations on solving global social problems in developing countries.
Key words: transnational corporations, social corporate responsibility, USA, developing countries.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.020
LUO YANCHAO Postgraduate Student, Tomsk State University, Tomsk, Russia
XIANG YIYUAN Postgraduate Student, Tomsk State University, Tomsk, Russia
LIU YUCHEN Master, Tomsk State University, Tomsk, Russia
ZHU HAO Bachelor, Tomsk State University Tomsk, Russia
COMPARISON OF CHINA'S AND INDIA'S TOOLS OF INFLUENCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA IN THE 21ST CENTURY
The article contains questions related to the competition between China and India and their influence in Southeast Asia. The countries use various tools to increase their economic, trade and political presence in the region. The purpose of the article is to identify such tools, compare them and draw a conclusion about current results.
There are described such tools as the Belt and Road Initiative, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, assistance from compatriots, Free Trade Zone Agreements, the Act East doctrine, cooperation with ASEAN and within its forms of dialogue, etc. Also there are indicated the similarities and differences in the tools used by regional leaders in the article. An analysis of approaches allows us to draw a conclusion about the capabilities of India and China and the prospects for the development of the region.
Key words: China, India, Southeast Asia, ASEAN, international relations, instruments of influence.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.021
LIU QI Postgraduate student Faculty of Global Studies, Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russia
RUSSIA AND CHINA IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION: STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP IN THE INFORMATION WARS OF MODERNITY
In recent years, with the accelerated development of new military changes in the world, the way of warfare has changed from the traditional style of single combat to modern information warfare. Information warfare refers to the integrated use of electronic, cyber, and psychological warfare to combat or resist enemy operations based on information weapons and the information battlefield. With the development of information warfare, the power of both offensive and defensive information weapons in the war will increase. In the future, the battlefield will be dominated by whoever can seize the right to dominate information, who will determine the direction of military operations. In the context of US dominance in the field of information confrontation and the current geopolitical circumstances associated with the Ukrainian crisis and the Taiwan issue, cooperation between Russia and China to ensure their own information security is of great importance.
Key words: Russian-Ukrainian conflict, hybrid wars, information wars, Russian-Chinese conflict, information security.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.022
P.P. MOLCHANOV PhD Student, Faculty of Global Processes Moscow State University them. M.V. Lomonosov, Moscow, Russia
THE MIGRATION CRISIS’S IMPACT ON THE CONCEPT OF “EUROPEAN SOLIDARITY”
This article is devoted to the issue of determining the impact of the migration crisis’s events in the EU on the concept of "European solidarity". The relevance of the theme raised is contingent on the very nature of this term, which is widely held in socio-political and research discourse and is perceived as one of the "fundamental pillar" of the integration processes taking place in the region. Having become a serious challenge for the entire European Union, the migration crisis was not limited to purely quantitative problems, but quickly reached a qualitative level, affecting, among other things, the basic ideological and value principles of association. To achieve the goal of the article, the following sequential tasks were set: defining the essence of the "European solidarity" idea, considering specific examples of the migration crisis’s negative impact on this concept, establishing the overall degree of pressure of the events described on the processes of developing, coordinating and implementing a unified political course in Europe. The material proposed in this article clearly demonstrates the fact that the migration crisis had a significant impact on the concept of "European solidarity", showing clean-cut the numerous problems and difficulties associated with the whole complex of procedures for implementing a coherent and concerted political course in the EU – at the interstate, subregional and pan-European levels; Thus, the most important effect incidental to the events described is a kind of delineation of the "European solidarity limits" – the actual ambit that put bounds to the combined possibilities of the countries of the association for cooperation at the present stage and in one way or another affect the prospects for further development of integration processes in the region.
Key words: European Union, migration crisis, "European solidarity", "limits of European solidarity", unified political course.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.023
K.S. NALBANDIAN Postgraduate student at the Department of Global Processes (Chair of Global Studies) Moscow State University named after M.V. Lomonosov, Moscow, Russia
TURKEY'S POLITICAL INFLUENCE IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS
Introduction. The aim of the study is to assess Turkey's political influence through economic, cultural, and educational instruments. Turkey, while asserting its status as a regional power, aims to strengthen its influence in the South Caucasus through soft power, economic and cultural cooperation, which in turn could weaken the position of the Russian Federation in the region if the balance of power were to change. Objectives are to trace the historical formation of Turkey's interests in the South Caucasus, the conceptual foundations of Turkey's foreign policy, and the energy, strategic, migration and cultural projects that will determine the extent of Turkey's engagement in the region.
Materials and methods. Documents on cooperation between Turkey and the South Caucasus states, the writings of Turkish researchers and statesmen, and media coverage of the meetings and bilateral cooperation were used as material for the analysis. The research was conducted using historical and analytical methods. In particular, the method of trend analysis was used, which made it possible to identify the key directions of Turkey's current policy in the South Caucasus.
Results. Turkey's foreign policy course in this direction is based on the ideology of pan-Turkism. It is established that the situation has improved in relations with Armenia and the latter is ready to resume cooperation with Turkey without any conditions related to the recognition of the NKR (Nagorno-Karabakh Republic). It was concluded that the policy of Turkey has achieved significant success only in Azerbaijan, but in Georgia it is carried out through the influence on the youth.
Discussion. Turkey's influence is confirmed through the analysis of economic data, as well as the activities of various cultural and other organizations aimed at increasing Turkey's attractiveness as a foreign policy and economic partner.
Conclusion. The study of Turkey's activities in the South Caucasus seems important from a theoretical and practical point of view since the expansion of Turkish influence in the region in question does not correspond to the interests of the Russian Federation. The latter is interested in strengthening its own influence and spreading culture in the South Caucasus, as well as increasing interaction with Armenia.
Key words: Turkey, South Caucasus, humanitarian diplomacy, economic cooperation, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Armenia, Pan-Turkism.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.024
A.E. TUROVSKAIA Post-graduate student, Saint-Petersburg state university, Saint-Petersburg, Russia
US ROLE IN TRANSFORMATION OF THE SECURITY SYSTEM OF THE BALTIC SEA REGION
The article examines the foreign policy of the United States in the Baltic Sea region in the context of the transformation of the regional security system. The author analyzes the degree of involvement of the actor in the region's problems and its role. It is determined that Washington is one of the key actors shaping the system itself, despite its status as a non-regional actor and situational interest in the Baltic Sea region. The conduit of US influence is the NATO, which currently involves almost all countries in the region (except for Russia and Sweden, which have not yet completed the accession process). Examined are the goals of the United States. The author noted that with the help of countries that depend on US security guarantees, Washington maintains the necessary level of strategic confrontation between Russia and Europe to prevent their rapprochement and to influence European countries. At the same time, the United States stopped adhering to some agreements that led to reciprocal actions of another key actor, Russia. Also that had a negative impact on the security architecture. The author draws attention to the fact that ignoring Moscow's security interests causes a painful reaction and increases tension in the region.
Key words: security system, security, Baltic Sea region, USA, Europe, NATO.
STUDENT SCIENCE
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.025
P.V. AREFIEV Undergraduate student, School of Governance and Politics, MGIMO University, Moscow, Russia
THE POLITICAL COURSE OF “SOCIALISM OF THE XXI CENTURY” IN VENEZUELA AND THE REASONS FOR ITS FAILURE
The article is devoted to the problem of the development of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in connection with the implementation of the political course of “socialism of the XXI century” in this country, which was distinguished by pronounced populism and led the state to a state of deep economic crisis.
The relevance of the article is due to the fact that in the modern world any political concept implemented in practice needs to be studied and carefully analyzed, regardless of its effectiveness.
The purpose of the article is a political analysis of the model of “Bolivarian socialism” implemented in the Republic of Venezuela in terms of its ideological foundations, political restrictions and socio-economic consequences.
Methods and materials. The materials of this article are the works of political scientists and economists, as well as statistical data regarding the development of the Venezuelan economy during the reign of U. Chavez and N. Maduro. To achieve this goal, the author used methods of analysis of scientific literature, methods of political science analysis and analysis of economic statistics.
Results. As a result of the study, it was found that the political course “socialism of the XXI century” is a vivid example of political populism and socio-economic idealism, as a result of which the political future of Venezuela is difficult to predict; it is also difficult to outline ways for the country to get out of the crisis without changing the political course.
Conclusions. As a result of the study, it was concluded that political populism, despite the perniciousness of its ideologies, is a common phenomenon throughout the world. However, it was in Venezuela, where political leaders, using populist narratives, were able to strengthen their political influence to the detriment of the socio-economic development of the state, this policy has fully demonstrated its failure.
Key words: populism, politics, economics, Venezuela, reforms, crisis.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.026
E.N. ZINOVEVA Student of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences оf Peoples' Friendship University of Russia named after Patrice Lumumba, Moscow, Russia
EVOLUTION OF THE CONCEPT OF POLITICAL AGENDA IN SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE
This article is dedicated to the essence and the process of evolution of the concept of political agenda in political science. The approaches to the definition of the concept proposed by both foreign and Russian political scientists are investigated. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of factors and subjects that are able to influence the agenda setting process. The functions performed by the political agenda are noted. It is concluded that the political agenda, the contribution to the formation of which is made by various actors that compete against each other is a complex and essential element of the political decision-making process that plays an important role in public policy.
Key words: political agenda, agenda, policy process, agenda-setting.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.027
A.I. KURCHENKO Student, Far Eastern Federal University, Vladivostok, Russia
SOUTH KOREAN JAPANESE RELATIONS: CONFLICTS IN THE 21ST CENTURY
Since ancient times, for several tens of centuries, Japan and Korea have been close neighbors, but despite their territorial proximity, relations between the two states are very unstable, periods of cooperation echo conflicts, which complicates the already difficult geopolitical situation in the region. One of the main reasons for this instability is the territorial disputes that have arisen between Japan and Korea. In recent years, these disputes have become more explicit, exacerbating the already difficult geopolitical situation in the region. Another factor that has contributed to tensions between the two countries is their different political systems and ideologies. Do not forget about the period of Japanese colonial expansion, when the Korean Peninsula was used for more than 30 years as a springboard for Japan, and the Koreans as a free labor force. Despite the fact that enough time has passed since the era of colonialism, the Koreans have not been able to forget and forgive the horrors that their country and ancestors had to endure. That is why, despite the strong bilateral diplomatic relations between Japan and Korea, XXI is still not without disagreements between the two states. This article discusses and studies the economic, territorial and historical conflicts between Japan and Korea that have occurred over the past two decades. The conclusions based on the results of this work contribute to a better understanding of not only South Korean – Japanese relations, but also the geopolitical situation in the region.
Key words: Japan, Republic of Korea, diplomatic relations, disputes.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.028
LI XIAWEI Master student at the Russian Language Institute of the Dalian University of Foreign Languages, Dalian, China
FEATURES OF SINO-RUSSIAN RELATIONS OF COMPREHENSIVE STRATEGIC COOPERATION AND PARTNERSHIP
China and Russia are based on national development and in line with the spirit of the times, adhere to internal and external mutual benefit, political mutual trust between the major powers, and strive for the common security of the great powers. These are the features of Chinese-Russian relations of comprehensive strategic cooperation and partnership.
Key words: China-Russian relations, comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination, mutually beneficial situation, political mutual trust, common security.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.029
O.A. PAK Master's student, Department of History of Socio-Political Studies, Faculty of Political Science, Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russia
THE EXAMPLE OF THE ENGLISH GENTLEMAN J. LOCKE: THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE PHILOSOPHICAL IDEAL WITH POLITICAL REALITY
Within the framework of this article, the problem of the formation of the image of an ideal politician in a historical context is considered. The purpose of the work is to determine what transformations can occur with this image in connection with the development of society and its political structure. At the same time, it is necessary to take into account the specifics of not only the epoch, but also the peculiarities of individual countries and civilizations. In this paper, the problem is considered with the help of an appeal to the ideal of an English gentleman. As a theoretical model, the work of the English philosopher J. Locke, and the correspondence of the ideal to practice is considered by the example of biographies of representatives of the English political elite of various eras.
The results obtained as a result of the study suggest that by the middle of the XVII century in England, there was a need for a pattern of behavior that could become the basis for those people who hoped to stay in the ranks of the elite or enter it. This image in the treatise of J. Locke united the historical traditions associated with the chivalric era and the changes that took place in the economy and social structure of England during the Revolution. The ideal gentleman had to combine physical strength, courage with a fairly high level of education. Society expected from the new representative of the elite not only the ability and willingness to participate in battles, but also the ability to prove himself as a diplomat, courtier, official. At the same time, the main qualities of the personality were composure, the ability to endure all the difficulties of life with fortitude. These requirements for representatives of the elite persisted in later eras, although specific skills and methods of education could undergo a significant transformation.
Key words: J. Locke, political elite, ideal of a gentleman, education system, English revolution, aristocracy.
DOI 10.35775/PSI.2023.94-2.6-2.030
A.D. STENYAEVA Student of the Moscow City Pedagogical University, University of the Foreign languages Department of Chinese, Moscow, Russia
RUSSIA'S GEOPOLITICAL STRATEGY TOWARDS CHINA
The relevance of the topic of the article is due to the influence of Russian-Chinese relations on the global transformation of forces, regional dynamics, geopolitical consequences and the formation of a new international order. Understanding the motives goals and mechanisms of this strategic partnership provides valuable information about the changing geopolitical landscape and future trajectories of world powers. The aim of the work is to analyze the geopolitical strategy of Russia in relation to China with an emphasis on the relations of countries during the formation of a new international order from 2022. Theoretical basis of the article is political realism and the theory of hegemonic stability, which help to clarify competition and cooperation between two countries, considering such factors as territorial disputes, access to resources and influence in regional and global affairs. The authors analyzed visits at a high level, joint statements. It is noted that the intensification of economic cooperation and trade agreements underlines the desire for economic integration, while energy partnerships and infrastructure projects increase mutual dependence. Military cooperation and joint exercises demonstrate the joint approach of these countries to security issues, contributing to deterrence and strategic coordination. However, the study of risks and potential conflict zones shows that the Russian-Chinese partnership is not immune from challenges. Competition for resources and energy and potential territorial disputes can exacerbate relations and create obstacles to the formation of a harmonious international order. Balancing cooperation with competition, overcoming differences and finding common ground will be critical to maintaining the stability and cohesion of their partnership.
Key words: cooperation, integration, new international order, geopolitics, Russia, China, international relations.